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System samogłoskowy współczesnych gwar zaborskich

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EN
The aim of this paper is to give a preliminary phonological and phonetic description of the vowel system of the contemporary Zaborian dialect of Kashubian. The analysis is based on the pronunciation of 150 words by four speakers of this dialect. All oral vowel phonemes reported in the older descriptions – /i, u, a, e, ɛ, o, ɔ, ɵ, ʌ/ – have been retained, possibly with some restrictions to /ɵ/ in some parts of the dialectal area. Conversely, the nasal vowels were lost (depending on the position, they split into /VN/ or became denasalized). From the phonetic point of view, there are some recent changes to report, e.g. (1) the loss of fronted and diphthongal variants of /u, ɔ/, (2) the loss of [e] as main allophone of /e/ and its pronunciation as [ɘ̟], and (3) a relatively lax pronunciation of /ɛ, ɔ/. All these changes are likely to be the result of the Polish influence. The phoneme /ɵ/ has a regular length, unlike its counterparts in other Kashubian dialects. Generally, the vowel system of Zaborian does not show any internal dynamics, in contrast to the systems of Central and North Kashubian.
2
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Projekt akustycznej bazy danych gwar mazowieckich

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EN
The paper presents a project of an acoustic data base of Mazovian dialects, and shows how modern research methods of acoustic phonetics can be employed in dialectological practice. The projected data base is going to contain objective data, independent of the researcher’s hearing, in the form of target values of the rst two formants for both stressed and unstressed oral vowels in various consonant contexts. The base is going to contain about 60000 realizations. It is also going to be supplied with rich metadata, such as dialect, subdialect, place of birth of the speakers, their age, gender and education, the date and source of the recording. The base is going to be accessed through a search engine capable of executing complex queries, and it is going to contain a library of graphs and statistical data illustrating the informants’ pronunciation. These data will allow for automated comparisons to be performed between the dialectal and the general Polish realizations of vowels, thus revealing the contemporary state of the vocalism of Mazovian dialects, and making it possible to verify the previous ndings.
PL
This article provides an extended synopsis of the author’s Ph.D. thesis Wokalowy system hornjoserbskeje rěče přitomnosće. The first part is devoted to selected methodology-related issues (e.g. the method of collecting recordings, approach to not adopted German words, the number of phonetic units researched). In part two, the author establishes an inventory of vowel phonemes of contemporary Upper Lusatian and the fundamental rules of reduction. Based on distribution analyses, including morpho(no)logical facts, the skill of identification and isolated pronunciation of vowel sounds as well as development trends, ten phonemes: /i, ɪ, e, ɛ, a, ɨ, ɔ, o, ʊ, u/ have been adopted in this article. In the third part, the author presents the results of acoustic research (with respect to timbre and inherent length, depending on accent and other factors).To a large extent, these results present an entirely different picture from the existing postulates based on auditive analyses. On top of that, certain linguistic universals are confirmed here. The last part offers a set of distinctive features. Following acoustic research, the author decided to adopt a binary [peripheral] feature and to apply gradual characteristics.
EN
The first part of the paper proposes a method of studying (or, more precisely, of recognizing) oral vowels, using the so-called relative formant frequencies. First, we describe the traditional method of acoustic study of oral vowels, together with its limitations. Next, we introduce the assumptions of the proposed method where, unlike in the traditional approach, a set of mixed models is used. The comparison, instead of being reduced to establishing whether two sets of vowels match, requires a distance to be calculated between each vowel and each model. The paper introduces the notion of relative formant frequency (denoted f') which was used in the comparisons to minimize the impact of individual articulatory variation on the outcome of the analysis. It was de!ned as the proportion between, on the one hand, the difference between the absolute frequency of the given formant, and its minimal value observed in actual pronunciations, and on the other hand, the difference between the minimal and the maximal frequency of the formant, as observed in pronunciations. In order to establish the f' of model vowels, we used the cardinal vowels pronounced by several British phoneticians (including Daniel Jones).
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań obrazujących, w jaki sposób zabieg operacyjny przeprowadzony w obrębie aparatu artykulacyjnego, wykonany u osób z wadą szkieletową klasy III wg Angle’a celem przywrócenia prawidłowych warunków anatomicznych, wpływa na wymowę głosek sybilantnych [s], [z], [š] i [ž]. Wykorzystując program PRAAT, wykonano analizę akustyczną głosek wyizolowanych z nagrania tekstu przeczytanego przez każdego pacjenta przed operacją i 3 miesiące po operacji. Zmierzone parametry to: 1) środek ciężkości widma (ang. center of gravity), 2) częstotliwość odcięcia szumu oraz 3) czas trwania poszczególnych głosek. Ze wstępnych doniesień wynika, że zmiana warunków anatomicznych układu stomatognatycznego powoduje również zmianę sposobu artykulacji badanych głosek sybilantnych, ale bez zastosowania terapii logopedycznej nie u wszystkich następuje całkowita poprawa jakości wymowy.
EN
The article presents the results of studies showing how the surgical procedure carried out within the articulatory apparatus, performed in people with Angle’s class III defect to restore normal anatomic conditions, influences the pronunciation of sibilant sounds [s], [z], [š] and [ž]. Using the PRAAT program, an acoustic analysis of the sounds isolated from the recording of the text, read by each patient before surgery and 3 months after surgery, was performed. The measured parameters are: (1) the center of gravity, (2) the frequency of the noise cut-off, and (3) the duration of individual sounds. Preliminary reports indicate that the change in the anatomical conditions of the stomatognathic system also causes a change in the articulation of the sibilants, but without the use of speech therapy, not everyone’s pronunciation improves.
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EN
This sound is typically considered to be, from the phonetic point of view, a simple small constricted interval because this is how it appears on a spectrogram when it is in intervocalic context. More recent studies (Stolarski 2011; Savu 2011, 2012) consider and argue that the tap is actually comprised of two vowel-like elements flanking this small constriction. After presenting the argument leading to this conclusion and briefly discussing the quality of the tap’s vocoids as shown through phonetic experiments, I approach the implications of this sound having the aforementioned structure. Specifically, I address the consequences for the status of syllabic /r/ in Macedonian and the different perception of /C(ɨ)rC/ sequences by speakers of Romanian and Slavic languages with syllabic /r/. In addition to this, I show how this structure of the tap suggests a possible phonetic account for vowel-rhotic metathesis between consonants as the migration of the constriction on a vocalic continuum provided by the tap and the full vowel.
EN
The second part of the paper consists of a list of relative formant frequencies of model vowels (the method of calculation was discussed in the first part). In this part, a test of the proposed method is designed using several new devices, such as the articulatory difference between vowels (expressed both as an integer and as a percentage), and the percentage distance between the analysed vowels and the particular model. In addition, a few simple statistics such as median, mode and arithmetic mean are used. The test itself consists of recognizing new vowels as pronounced by three different phoneticians. The calculations lead to the conclusion that recognition of vowels carried out with the use of the proposed method produces very accurate results which, most importantly, do not deviate in most instances from the expected values (the difference between the recognized vowel and the vowel described by the speaker did not exceed 40%). In conclusion, this part of the paper describes the advantages and limitations of the proposed method, and suggests possible solutions which may help improve the results in the future.
Mäetagused
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2017
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vol. 68
27-52
EN
Plosives in Estonian have been considered voiceless. However, analysis has shown that short plosives tend to get at least partially voiced and otherwise reduced in connected speech. This seems to be quite a universal tendency in different languages. The present paper investigates short plosives in intervocalic position in most frequent content words. Phonetic materials were extracted from the Phonetic Corpus of Estonian Spontaneous Speech. Patterns in the reduction of plosives and possible influences of stress and vowel context were investigated. Two kinds of allophones emerged – those that were fully realised and had a distinguishable release burst, and the reduced ones that had lost the burst phase. The amount of reduced tokens differentiated the velar plosive [k] from others. As [p] and [t] both had over 65% of fully realised tokens, but over 60% of [k] tokens were reduced. [k] also had most different allophones. Among fully realised tokens there were voiceless, partially voiced, and fully voiced allophones. The voiceless allophone was the rarest, 19% tokens of [p] and only 10% of [t] and [k] were voiceless. Most frequent allophones among phonemes were partially voiced for [p] (29%), fully voiced for [t] (37%), and reduced voiced for [k] (47%). Closure durations were related to place of articulation. [p] had the longest average durations and [t] the shortest. Across all tokens [k] and [t] had similar average durations but within allophones durations were closer between [k] and [p]. Burst durations were the longest, around 30 ms for [k] and almost the same duration, between 21–23 ms, for [p] and [t], with the exception of the voiceless allophone [t], which was 27 ms. Closure durations differed significantly between [p] and [t] and burst durations were significantly different between [k] and other phonemes. Stressed positions included both lexical and contrastive stresses. Stress had some effect on the allophonic distribution but almost none on durations. As expected, there were more voiceless and partially voiced tokens in stressed position and more reduced tokens and total loss in unstressed position. Differences were the biggest for [t] and the smallest for [k]. Durations differed very little, whereas none were statistically significant. Vowel context had some influence on allophonic distribution. The influence was the biggest on [t]. Overall, there were more fricative and approximant tokens around [i].[t] had more partially voiced tokens and less voiced tokens around labial vowels [o, u]. There were more reduced [k] tokens around [a] and [i]. On durations the vowel context again influenced [t] the most. Durations between all vowel contexts were statistically different for [t] (p<.01); the longest durations appeared after [i]. In general, the present study confirms the results of the previous ones. Allophonic distribution is very similar to the previous study of Estonian spontaneous speech. Closures were at least partially voiced in most cases which refer to carry-over voicing of the previous vowel. Vocal cord vibration stops for a very brief time or does not stop at all during short closure times. Burst durations appear to be longer in spontaneous speech than in read speech. Little influence of stress is in accordance with findings in the studies on Estonian and some other languages. Vowel influences were dependent on the place of articulation. Bilabial [p] was the least affected both in allophonic variation and in durations. Velar [k] was influenced by the vowel context but it mostly occurred in whole as extensive reduction; different vowels had more effect on the allophonic variation than in the case of [p] but durations were almost unaffected. Influences on [t] mostly occurred as significant duration differences; yet, also some differences in allophonic variation occurred.
EN
The topic of this paper is the rhotic segment with one constricted interval, the tap. This sound is typically considered to be, from the phonetic point of view, a simple small constricted interval because this is how it appears on a spectrogram when it is in intervocalic context. More recent studies (Stolarski 2011; Savu 2011, 2012) consider and argue that the tap is actually comprised of two vowel-like elements flanking this small constriction. After presenting the argument leading to this conclusion and briefly discussing the quality of the tap’s vocoids as shown by phonetic experiments, I approach the implications of this sound having the aforementioned structure. Specifically, I address the consequences for the status of syllabic /r/ in Macedonian and the different perception of /C(ɨ)rC/ sequences by speakers of Romanian and Slavic languages with syllabic /r/. In addition to this, I show how this structure of the tap suggests a possible phonetic account for vowel-rhotic metathesis between consonants as the migration of the constriction on a vocalic continuum provided by the tap and the full vowel.
EN
The article shows the possibilities of using the Pillai test in research on vowels, using the example of the stressed vowel [a] in the speech of Polish women using the dialectal variety of the Southern Borderland Polish, and deported in 1936 from Soviet Ukraine to northern Kazakhstan.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono możliwości zastosowania testu Pillaia w badaniach nad samogłoskami na przykładzie akcentowanej samogłoski [a] występującej w mowie Polek posługujących się gwarową odmianą polszczyzny południowokresowej, deportowanych w 1936 r. z Ukrainy radzieckiej do północnego Kazachstanu.
Gwary Dziś
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2016
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vol. 8
115-140
EN
The aim of the paper is to provide a phonetic and phonological description of the vowel system of the Dąbrówka Wielkopolska dialect. The analysed material revealed the very good retention of the original dialectal phenomena (e.g. the diphthongal pronunciation of *[ɨ], diversity of monophthongal and diphthongal variants of */o/, or two allophones of /u/ conditioned by the preceding consonant). The acoustic analyses provide a precise phonetic description of the dialect’s vowels and revisions to the previous descriptions (e.g. the allophone of /u/ after coronal and palatal consonants is not only lowered, but also centralised, the reflexes of */eː, eN, ẽ/ after palatals are distinct from /i/, the reflex of */aː/ is sometimes lower than [ɔ], but never reaches the height of [ɒ]). Farther, the perceptive and acoustic analyses revealed a – hitherto unnoticed – opposition between the reflexes of */eː/ on the one hand, and the reflexes of */e/ before /N/ and the vocalic reflexes of */ẽ/ on the other, and, consequently, made it possible to discover a “new” vowel phoneme.
PL
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono akustyczno-fonetyczną i fonologiczną analizę samogłosek współczesnej gwary Dąbrówki Wielkopolskiej. W przebadanym materiale stwierdzono bardzo dobre zachowanie fonetycznych cech gwarowych (np. dyftongicznej wymowy *[ɨ], bogactwa wariantów dyftongicznych i monoftongicznych */o/ czy uwarunkowanej sąsiedztwem lewostronnym alofonii /u/). Analiza akustyczna pozwoliła na precyzyjną charakterystykę głosek gwary i rewizję dotychczasowych opisów (np. alofon /u/ po koronalnych i palatalnych jest nie tylko obniżony, ale również scentralizowany, kontynuanty */eː, eN, ẽ/ po miękkich zachowują odrębność od /i/, kontynuant */aː/ bywa nieco obniżony w stosunku do [ɔ], ale nie osiąga poziomu [ɒ]). Ponadto analizy audytywne i akustyczne umożliwiły wykazanie niezauważonej dotychczas opozycji pomiędzy kontynuantem */eː/ a kontynuantem /e/ przed /N/ i ustnym kontynuantem */ẽ/, a w konsekwencji odkrycie „nowego” fonemu samogłoskowego.
EN
The paper covers the process of elision in fast speech of young Łódź inhabitants. In the first part of the paper characterized are basic terms used in the paper, general attitude of standardized Polish towards elision, as well as, in a concise way, all the categories of phonetic ellipsis. In the analytical part one can find statistical data received from the research, which are then confronted with those received by other researchers. All the processes described are also visualized by the use of oscillograms and spectrograms, as well as compared to the rules of standard Polish.
PL
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