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Human Affairs
|
2013
|
vol. 23
|
issue 2
174-195
EN
Niche parties have been increasingly successful during the last 30 years and have accordingly received a lot of scholarly attention. So far most of the focus has been on Green and radical right parties, and to a more limited extent, regional parties. In this paper I analyze the electoral fates and policy outcomes of another type of niche party, namely those focusing on anti-corruption, whose successes culminated during the 2000s. The study is limited to all new parties campaigning on the issue of anti-corruption in Central and Eastern Europe since the fall of the Berlin wall and the questions to be answered are: To what extent are these parties successful in obtaining relevant positions in the government so that they are able to effectively fight corruption? What impact do they have on anti-corruption measures, thereby influencing the level of corruption? How successful are these parties in the elections that follow? In short, to what extent do anticorruption parties matter? Apart from electoral and governmental data, the analysis is based on the Freedom House Nation in Transit annual reports, in which one section deals with the efforts to curb corruption. The results are rather mixed, but indicate that the more influential positions the anti-corruption parties (ACPs) have in government, the better are their anti-corruption performances. That implies that they are serious and competent enough to tackle those issues, despite their newness and lack of experience. Not surprisingly, the incumbent ACPs fare worse than those in opposition in subsequent elections, but quite a few still remain popular. Finally, all but one party abandoned their anti-corruption rhetoric in their second election, which implies that anti-corruption is a different type of issue, compared to the ones used by previous niche parties.
PL
This article is a voice of approval of the decision of the Supreme Administrative Court of 3 January 2012, Ref. Act: I OSK 2157/11. The ruling refers to the scope of public information that is available to the interested party. The court pointed out that public information could be invoices for services performed by private entities on behalf of public administrations. This ruling is part of anti-corruption strategies, based on transparency of the public life, and also supports the well-established case law, which treats public information very broadly. This results in an increase in the potential of the proactive investigation focused on cooperation with the community in the fight against corruption.
EN
With the advancement of telecommunication technologies and strategic outsourcing, globalized business management has become a necessity to establish and maintain operations in lucrative emerging markets. With the world’s largest market, talent pool and labor force, China has emerged as an inevitable destination for many multinationals. However, China’s unique political system, socio-economical settings and cultural environment poses the great challenges to global businesses. One of the greatest hurdles faced by multinationals is effectively transporting Western business conduct and ethics. Embedding Western ethical compliance into operations based on China’s powerful and highly influential cultural practice - Guanxi Networking - is proving to be the ultimate challenge. To address this intercultural disconnect, this research paper applies the principles of the communication perspective, derived from the theories and practice of the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). Our proposal suggests an ethics compliance training based on a framework of trust and collaboration - a new approach to tackle the dilemma between the Western ethics and the cultural norms driven by guanxi networking. This research based proposal explores the application of the communication perspective in a holistic method.
Human Affairs
|
2013
|
vol. 23
|
issue 2
212-229
EN
In the past two decades academic and research literature on “corruption” has flourished. During the same period organizations and initiatives fighting against corruption have also significantly expanded, turning “anti-corruption” into a new research subject. However, despite a few exceptions there is a division of labor between scholars who study corruption itself and those who study the global anti-corruption industry. Juxtaposing corruption’s local discourses and anti-corruption international practices, this article is an attempt to bring together these two intertwined research dimensions and explore how an ethnographic approach might contribute to framing them together. Firstly, it describes how corruption in Romania is often conceptualized and explained in terms of national heritage, something related to old and recent cultural history, including traditional folklore. Secondly, it explores how anti-corruption works in practice, focusing on international legal cooperation projects monitoring the progress and shortcomings both prior to and post Romania’s accession to the European Union. Finally, revealing the articulations of these two apparently unrelated research fields, the article argues that corruption’s local explanations and the circular logic of auditing observed within the anti-corruption industry share a common developmental ideology mirroring the crypto-colonialist structure of power relations and dependency among European nation-states emerging out of the Cold War.
EN
The article examines how use of the topic of corruption in the election manifestos of Czech political parties has transformed over the course of the entire post-communist period. The theoretical framework used to grasp the anti-corruption positions expressed in the manifestos is populism. The study builds on the discussions about mainstream political actors (not) adopting populist principles and on the methodological debate around the possibilities offered by populist communication research. Using a content analysis and the principle of triplets, the article analyses the election manifestos of all the parties that were successful in the parliamentary elections between 1990 and 2017 in order to determine whether there was a stronger presence of populist principles in communication on the topic of corruption. Among other things, the study shows that: (1) statements on corruption that are consistent with a populist communication strategy can be found in parties that are not commonly understood as populist throughout the entire researched period; (2) mainstream parties did not respond to the success of populists in the 2010, 2013, and 2017 elections by adopting populist principles; (3) the populists who won a share of power strengthened the elements of populist communication in the next election manifesto.
EN
In the period from 2013 to 2017, the Czech Parliament passed five bills against corruption. A civil initiative called Reconstruction of the State was heavily involved in the process. Before the 2013 elections, the initiative prompted the candidates running for an MP mandate to publicly commit to supporting selected legislation proposals. The initiative used a variety of advocacy and campaign tactics to support passing the bills after the elections. This paper uses process tracing to answer the following research questions: (1) What path led to this success?, (2) Is there sufficient evidence about the actual role of the initiative in seeing the proposals passed by the Parliament? and (3) What has determined the initiative’s advocacy decisions? The first research question is treated descriptively, focusing on the key milestones in this historically unique advocacy campaign. To answer the second question, we conducted a non-formal counterfactual assessment of whether the absence of the initiative would have resulted in passing fewer proposals. This is important for evaluating civil society’s potential to effectively influence the political process. Finally, in answering the third question, we show that advocacy tactics have markedly changed throughout the Reconstruction of the State campaign. Building on this observation, we argue that tactics are not only policy- or campaign-specific but also change within a single case.
PL
Korupcja znalazła się w centrum uwagi na skalę globalną. Niemal wszystkie badania skupiają się na jej szkodliwych skutkach w odniesieniu do rządów, ekonomii i polityki. Niniejszy artykuł bada to, jak obywatele postrzegają korupcję i antykorupcję w Wietnamie. To nowe spojrzenie przyczyniające się do szerokiego ujęcia problematyki antykorupcji. Badanie ma charakter opisowy, do jego przeprowadzenia wykorzystano autorską ankietę dla 385 respondentów, wybranych metodą losowania warstwowego w oparciu o wzór Cochrana. Okazało się, że środki zapobiegawcze i przepisy dotyczące korupcji nie są wystarczająco surowe, by stanowiły przestrogę dla sprawców korupcji. Transparentność nie jest promowana na tyle mocno, by ludzie mieli dostęp do informacji, więc kontrola obywatelska nie jest zbyt skuteczna. Istnieje niezgodność między postrzeganiem korupcji przez obywateli a tym, jak oceniają ją organizacje zewnętrzne. Konieczne jest ścisłe wdrożenie prawa antykorupcyjnego i odnowienie prawa obywateli do uzyskiwania informacji dotyczących korupcji. Co więcej, rząd powinien ponownie sprawdzić przepisy dotyczące zapobiegania korupcji i dopasować je do każdego rodzaju korupcji. Działanie aparatu państwowego powinno się pilnie oprzeć na współpracy i połączeniu sił w celu zwalczenia korupcji. Wskazane jest, by rząd nawiązał współpracę z organizacjami zewnętrznymi w celu wymiany doświadczeń w kwestii ograniczania korupcji.
EN
Corruption has been the centre of attention on a global scale. Almost all studies concentrate on corruptive effects on the governance, economics or politics. This paper investigates the citizens’ perceptions towards corruption and anti-corruption in Vietnam. This is a new look contributing to the panoramic picture of anti-corrup-tion. The study employed a descriptive approach with a researcher-made ques-tionnaire for 385 respondents selected by a stratified random sampling method based on Cochran’s formula. It was found out that preventive measures and corrup tion laws are not severe enough to admonish corruption offenders. Transpa-rency is not highly promoted for people to access information, so citizens’ super-vision is not very effective. There is a mismatch between citizens’ perceptions and external organisations’ assessment. It is necessary to implement anti-corruption law strictly and renovate people’s right to get corruptive information. Moreover, the government should recheck and adjust preventive anti-corruption laws to match each specific type of corruption. Urgently, the operation of the state appa-ratus ought to cooperate and join hands to combat corruption. It is advisable for the government to collaborate with external organisations to exchange experience in curbing corruption.
EN
Corruption, defined as an abuse of the public power for the illegal private gain, is a serious threat to economic and social development and there is no public acceptance for it in the society. Corruption should be seen not as a social disease, but a pathology of the authority system. Effective prevention of corruption is essential for economic and social development, in particular by eliminating corruptive mechanisms, i.e. irregularities causing or increasing the risk of corruption. The state should provide a sense of anti-corruption security in society, and transparency in law and decision-making, the exclusion of conflicts of interest, disclosure and effective control are essential elements of this security. In Poland, significant but not sufficient progress has been made in the field of anti-corruption security framing.
PL
Korupcja jest poważnym zagrożeniem dla rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznego i nie ma dla niej w społeczeństwie przyzwolenia. Korupcję należy postrzegać nie jako chorobę społeczną, lecz jako patologię systemu władzy. Dla rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznego niezbędne jest skuteczne zapobieganie korupcji, w szczególności przez eliminowanie mechanizmów korupcjogennych, czyli nieprawidłowości powodujących lub zwiększających ryzyko korupcji. Państwo powinno zapewnić społeczeństwu poczucie bezpieczeństwa antykorupcyjnego, a zasadniczymi czynnikami tego bezpieczeństwa są przejrzystość prawa i procesów decyzyjnych, wykluczenie konfliktu interesów, jawność oraz skuteczna kontrola. W Polsce nastąpił znaczny, ale nie dość wystarczający, postęp w zakresie kształtowania bezpieczeństwa antykorupcyjnego.
PL
Zbliżające się nowe ramy finansowe na lata 2021–2027 stawiają przed polskimi organizacjami nowe wymogi w zakresie przeciwdziałania i zwalczania nadużyć finansowych. Kolejna perspektywa finansowa wiąże się z możliwością pozyskania przez Polskę środków na realizację nowych inicjatyw. Jest jednak związana z tym, że budżet Komisji Europejskiej nie będzie zawierał już składki członkowskiej Wielkiej Brytanii. Poza tym Komisja Europejska posiada wiedzę i doświadczenie w zakresie identyfikowania nieprawidłowości, stąd oczekuje od państw członkowskich podejmowania odpowiednich działań, mających na celu przeciwdziałanie i walkę z niepożądanymi zjawiskami. Komisja Europejska podejmuje także sama działania w tym zakresie.
EN
The upcoming new financial framework for 2021–2027 puts new demands on Polish organisations in terms of preventing and combating fraud. The next Financial Perspective is linked to the possibility for Poland to raise funds for new initiatives. However, it is related to the fact that the budget of the European Commission will no longer include the membership fee of the United Kingdom. Moreover, the European Commission has knowledge and experience in identifying malpractices and therefore expects Member States to take appropriate measures to prevent and fight against undesirable phenomena. The European Commission also takes action itself in this area.
PL
Artykuł opiera się na systematycznym przeglądzie literatury naukowej dotyczącej zjawiska korupcji w polskim samorządzie po 1989 r. Wyodrębniono w nim główne dyscypliny naukowe zajmujące się tym zagadnieniem, scharakteryzowano źródła danych wykorzystywane przez badaczy, przedstawiono różnorodność problemów badawczych w ramach poszczególnych dyscyplin oraz główne wnioski z tych z badań. Artykuł kończą rekomendacje, w których postuluje się wzmocnienie interdyscyplinarności badań, podjęcie badań nad oddolnymi mechanizmami antykorupcyjnymi oraz politycznymi reperkusjami korupcji samorządowej.
EN
The article is based on a systematic review of the scientific literature addressing the phenomenon of corruption in Poland’s local governments after 1989. It covers the leading scientific disciplines dealing with this issue and discusses the sources of research data, the diversity of research problems within the respective disciplines and their major conclusions. The article concludes with a recommendation of more robust interdisciplinarity and conducting research on both bottom-up anticorruption mechanisms and political repercussions of local government corruption.
EN
The article is an analysis of various unintended consequences of the contemporary fight against corruption. The author employs a social constructionist approach to argue that recent anti-corruption developments show that the ‘fight against corruption’ will never stop regardless of how effective it may be. Moreover, the anti-corruption crusade can be characterized as a self-legitimizing process because it creates new areas for anti-corruption actions by constructing new forms of corruption, thereby justifying the continuation of anti-corruption efforts. As a point of departure, the author analyses corruption as a socially constructed phenomenon in order to remind us that because of its inherent features, corruption is an irremovable part of the public sphere, thus making anti-corruption actions never-ending. Then certain paradoxes and developments in contemporary anti-corruption efforts are presented to further explain the never-ending and self-legitimizing nature of fighting corruption. The penultimate part highlights various new definitions of corruption proposed by social scientists and the questions raised by these conceptual undertakings. In the concluding section, the problems resulting from anti-corruption dynamics are presented.
XX
Artykuł jest analizą niektórych niezamierzonych rezultatów współczesnej „walki z korupcją”. Autor wykorzystuje podejście społecznego konstruktywizmu, aby pokazać dlaczego współczesne tendencje antykorupcyjne, niezależnie od efektywność walki z korupcją, pozwalają uznać, że ta walka nigdy się nie skończy. Ponadto, krucjata przeciwko korupcji została scharakteryzowana jako autolegitymizujący się proces, ponieważ poprzez konstruowanie nowych form korupcji prowadzi do kreowania nowych obszarów działań antykorupcyjnych, w ten sposób uzasadniając konieczność jej kontynuowania. Punktem wyjścia jest analiza korupcji jako zjawiska konstruowanego społecznie mająca na celu wskazanie, że ze względu na konstytutywne właściwości korupcji jest ona nieusuwalną częścią przestrzeni publicznej, dlatego też działania antykorupcyjne nigdy się nie kończą. Następnie, aby dogłębniej wyjaśnić niekończącą się oraz autolegitymizującą specyfikę walki z korupcją, opisane są paradoksy i wybrane przykłady z obszaru współczesnych działań antykorupcyjnych. Ostatnia część artykułu koncentruje się na nowych definicjach korupcji proponowanych przez przedstawicieli nauk społecznych i prowadzi do postawienia pytań, do jakich skłaniają te konceptualne propozycje. W ramach konkluzji przedstawiono problemy wynikające z opisanej dynamiki antykorupcyjnej, z którymi należy się zmierzyć.
EN
In the world pervaded with moral crises, unethical practices not only in the private and public sector but also in various charity organisations and cultural institutions, where one faces a loss of values and authorities, a question arises about the reasons for such occurrences. Simultaneously the need for developing tools helping to diminish the effects of unethical undertakings and eventually prevent them from emerging at all, comes into being. The main purpose of the presented paper is to convince that introducing ethics, social responsibility, and anti-corruption policies in higher education programmes accounts for a significant and undoubted tool that may bring positive results for both individuals and societies in the future. Such programmes will develop managerial competences that will play an even more important role than hard skills and acquired knowledge. The authoresses support the thesis with an example of a good practice based on a case study of a programme introduced at one of the Polish universities educating future managers for public administration. In the conclusions the authoresses will underline the necessity of educating responsible, conscious, and ethical managers especially for public sector institutions as well as they will suggest the paths for further research in this area.
EN
The article examines the problem of the type of mitigated crime of electoral corruption. The author discusses examples of behaviour enabling criminal qualification under Art. 250a § 3 of the Penal Code, as well as situations that do not allow the application of this regulation. He also considers the legitimacy of isolating a minor accident in the normative structure of the election corruption crime, as well as the proposed legislative changes in this regard.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony problematyce typu uprzywilejowanego przestępstwa korupcji wyborczej. Autor omawia przykłady zachowań umożliwiających prawnokarną kwalifikację na podstawie art. 250a § 3 kk, a także sytuacje niepozwalające na zastosowanie tej regulacji. Przeprowadza również rozważania dotyczące zasadności wyodrębnienia wypadku mniejszej wagi w normatywnej konstrukcji przestępstwa korupcji wyborczej, jak też postulowanych w tym zakresie zmian legislacyjnych.
EN
Al things considered, an attempt to solve this problem would be to postulate de lege ferenda creating a uniform system of anti-corruption legislation, introducing consistency in the regulations relating to corruption offenses. Dispersal of the regulations in different acts shows the weakness of Polish anti-corruption law and this is caused by legislative level. So there is a necessity for radical and fast improvement. It seems that the best way to achieve this goal is to create an act which would comprehensively fight corruption on each level of public authorities. This act should be aimed clearly at corruption offences and stigmatize them. The present anti-corruption Polish system of law is totally devoid of transparency and this causes that perpetrators measure the profitability of their acting by the size of the sanction. Penalty should be ruled relatively to the offence. There appears a necessity to create a project of one anti-corruption act. There is a necessity for a comprehensive strategy to fight corruption. Therefore, the role of the criminal law should be emphasized as the ultima ratio, which does not result in the disintegration of the system or violate its consistency.
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