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Концепція «балансу сил» в Центрально-Європейському регіоні крізь призму російської агресії проти України: теоретико-методологічні аспекти

100%

Максимець В.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

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issue 8

9-14

EN

It substantiates theoretical and methodological basis of the comprehensive political science analysis of the transformation of new systems «balance of power» in Central Europe. The different theoretical and conceptual approaches to the understanding of the international relations system in the late XX – early XXI century and described a new balance of power model. The essential characteristics of the European security paradigm in the dimensions of establishing a «balance of power» new system in Central Europe are revealed. It is stated that against the background of changes in the international system, there is a need to revise theoretical and conceptual approaches to the study of the concept of «balance of power», the theoretical foundations of which were laid in different from today’s world-political conditions. Analysis of the concept of «balance of power» shows that over time, its interpretation significantly changed and supplemented by new arguments, which led to the conceptual ambiguity and even blurriness. It is also noticeable differences in approaches to the «balance of power» in the foreign policy practice of different states. The very concept of force in international relations, as well as the ways of its application, evolved. It turns out that it is safe to speak of the historicity of the principle of balance of power, the structure and content of which have changed throughout world history. The classical interpretation of political realism (the approach of G. Morgenthau) was based on the bipolar world order, the presence of two superpowers (the USSR and the USA) and two military-political blocs (NATO and ATS) in the international system. The destruction of the bipolar system forced the researchers to seek new interpretations of the balance of power. So there were modifications to the principle of balance of power for a unipolar and multipolar world. Proponents of neo-realism began to present the concept of «balance of power» through the prism of their individual concepts of a new world order, thus distorting the original meaning of the principle (K. Waltz, M. Kaplan, E. Haas). The annexation of Crimea in the context of the destruction mechanism of «balance of power» in Central Europe is analyzed. The annexation of Crimea sets a very dangerous precedent for the future security environment in Europe, and in post-Soviet space especially. The Ukrainian conflict has also exposed weaknesses in international law, agreements and treaties, as these often allow for contradictory interpretations. The factors and potential negative consequences of forces imbalance are identified not only in Central Europe, but also in the global arena in general. The Russian aggression against Ukraine undermined the system of international relations that had been built for decades, violated the principles of regional and global security. The annexation of the Crimea, the situation in the east of Ukraine brought fundamental changes not only in the Central European region, but also de facto in the European and transatlantic defense complex. These strategic changes not only changed the situation that existed since the end of the Cold War, but led to a paradigm shift in security policy.

2

Geopolityczne konsekwencje traktatu wersalskiego

86%

Bartnicki A. R.

Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica

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2019

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vol. 18

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issue 1

91-107

PL

Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą odniesienia się do problemów, z którymi zetknąłem się prowadząc seminaria na kierunku Bezpieczeństwo Narodowe. Wiążą się one z obserwowanym wśród studentów powrotem zainteresowania geopolityką. Nie chodzi tu tylko o „powrót do geopolityki” na poziomie rozważań akademickich, ale o dość szeroko wykorzystywaną obecnie manierę wyjaśniania rzeczywistości międzynarodowej i problemów bezpieczeństwa za pomocą koncepcji geopolitycznych. Geopolityka postrzegana jest tu jako doskonałe narzędzie służące wyjaśnianiu polityki międzynarodowej, ale też historii opartej na determinantach geograficznych i realizmie politycznym. Ma być swoistym równaniem, z którego po naniesieniu odpowiednich danych mogą wynikać konkretne wnioski dotyczące strategii i polityki. Co ciekawe, młodzież akademicka ma spore trudnoścí zarówno ze zdefiniowaniem obiektu swoich rozważań, jak też z rozróżnieniem świadomej strategii geopolitycznej od strategii wymuszanej uwarunkowaniami geograficznymi. Mając to na względzie zacząłem bliżej przyglądać się, a następnie analizować konkretne fakty przykładając do nich „matrycę” geopolityki. Rezultatem tych badań jest m.in. niniejszy tekst, w którym analizuję bardzo interesujący moment historii, kiedy to załamywały się stare koncepcje polityczne, a na ich miejscu wyrastały nowe – także geopolityczne.

EN

The following article is an attempt to refer to problems I have encountered during my seminars held within the National Security course. They concern a rebirth of interest in geopolitics that one can observe among the students. This doesn’t mean only “the return to geopolitics” in academic inquiries, but a widespread tendency to explain questions of international relations and security in terms of geopolitical conceptions. Geopolitical theories are used not only to explain international politics, but also historical developments determined by geographic factors, and with political realism in view. Geopolitics is treated as a kind of formula that, if supplied with adequate data, should give concrete answers regarding strategies and policies. What is interesting is that the academic youth has difficulties with both defining the object of their inquiries, as well as with distinguishing between a conscious geopolitical strategy and strategies forced by geographic circumstances. Keeping that in mind, I began to investigate and analyze particular facts by placing them on a geopolitical matrix. The following article presents the results of my research, in which I focus on a very interesting moment in history, when old political conceptions broke down, making room for new ones - also geopolitical.

3

The Novelty of the Utrecht Peace Settlement (1713)

86%

Sashalmi E.

Central European Papers

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2015

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vol. 3

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issue 2

20–33

EN

This article argues that the modern European states system came into being not with Westphalia (1648) but as a result of the Utrecht Peace Settlement (1713). Besides summarizing recent revisionist scholarship on the nature of the ’Westphalian order’, the author tries to enlist the new features of the Utrecht Settlement which he considers the real turning point in the European inter-dynastic relations. He relies not only on written primary sources (the Anglo-Spanish and the Anglo-French Treaties) but also visual evidence to buttress this claim, and underlines the relevance of visual representation of peace conferences as an important field of political iconography.

4

Unia Europejska między Brexitem a nowym Traktatem Elizejskim

86%

Kuźniar A., Menkes J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 1 (374)

41-54

EN

The aim of the study is to analyze the effects of the new Élysée Treaty in correlation with Brexit. We formulate the thesis that Brexit in conjunction with the new Élysée Treaty sets out a new formula for institutional European integration – the construction of a unipolar system with France-Germany as a pole. The research is interdisciplinary – economic and legal. The results of the study allow to recognize that 1) deepened German-French cooperation creates a new actor in regional and global relations; 2) the Treaty based (French-German) duumvirate changes the EU system; 3) Brexit has destroyed the balance of power in the EU, as well as deprived the union of the benefits of triangulation of the bloc of the three largest EU Member States.

5

Facing increased Russian aggressiveness: Popular militias, a potentially effective extra political and military instrument aimed at strategic deterrence

72%

Diaconu F.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2017

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vol. 15

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issue 2

38-53

EN

The text starts by briefly exploring the present strategic situation on NATO’s Eastern rim. In a situation clearly dominated by sharply increased Russian aggressiveness, and by the fact that Russia has already made several attempts directly aimed at shaping, by force, a new regional and continental balance of power (see war against Georgia, in 2008, the annexation of Crimea, in 2014, and an extensive set of military actions against Ukraine), Russian plans and actions are legitimately worrying NATO and, above all, the small or medium-sized countries on the Eastern border of the North Atlantic Alliance. Starting mainly in 2014, Russian aggressiveness generated some significant reactions within NATO, including the political decision to increase defence budgets and deploying (mainly by rotation) military forces belonging to Western member states in the directly threatened countries. These countries (the three small Baltic republics, Poland and Romania) are also strengthening their defensive capabilities, buying new weapons systems, and by hosting or organising NATO defensive exercises. But all these deterrents are costly, and implementing them is time-consuming. It is for these reasons that the article examines the political- strategic necessity of implementing national policies aimed at quickly generating and consolidating potent popular militias. These militias, which are an obvious embodiment of a very strong political will at national level, might be, if properly used, an extra significant deterrent, directly telling Putin’s regime it has no real chance of winning a quick and cheap victory, if it behaves aggressively against states on the Eastern rim of NATO. At this very moment, more than ever before (at least for the almost 30 years since the end of the Cold War), NATO is confronted with the openly aggressive foreign policy, strategic plans and strategic actions of the Russian Federation.

6

Strategic Ambiguity in US-Taiwan Relations During the Donald Trump Administration

72%

Grzegorzewski F.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2022

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issue 1(51)

59-74

EN

Strategic ambiguity, or the deliberate policy of uncertainty as to whether the United States would use force to defend Taiwan against an invasion by the People's Republic of China, has been the centrepiece of US policy towards the Taiwan issue for decades. This paper discusses the factors driving the redefinition of strategic ambiguity and its recalibration throughout Donald Trump's presidency (2017–2021). The fundamental driver of this change was to balance the rising power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper applied offensive realism as a theoretical framework for its analysis. Under President Donald Trump, Washington modified its policy of strategic ambiguity, explicitly framing relations with Taiwan within a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. While the US retained key elements of strategic ambiguity, including the 'One China' policy, it added new features to deploy it offensively against Beijing's growing regional hegemony. The increased dynamism and unpredictability of relations with Taiwan were matched by a welcoming attitude towards strengthening Taiwanese identity and highlighting the systemic differences between communist China and democratic Taiwan. America stepped up arms sales and encouraged Taiwan to build its self-defence capabilities. Washington engaged in countering Chinese attempts to isolate Taiwan internationally and included it in restructuring global supply chains. Although the United States has not formally revised the boundaries of the 'One China' policy, the modification of strategic ambiguity increased Taiwan's prominence in US-China power competition and pushed back the prospect of peaceful unification.

7

The Political Frontiers of Europe as a Civil Society: J. Habermas' Rejection of a European Volk and M. Foucault's Balance of Power as Protections Against European Nation-State

72%

Karskens M.

Limes. Cultural Regionalistics

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2008

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vol. 1

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issue 2

186-198

EN

With the help of J. Habermas and M. Foucault, it is argued that the idea of Europe is, first of all, the ideal of an unlimited civil society. Human rights, the rule of law and the legal European institutions are its political backbone. The European Union itself is somehow the realization of this ideal conception of a borderless, unlimited society. It is argued that the European Union in this respect is a heterotopia within the bordered and sovereign member states themselves. Seen from the outside, however, and in the world of geopolitics, Europe is a political power with closed borders and excluding frontiers. In this respect the European Union is a continuation of the old European Balance of Power.

LT

Remiantis J. Habermasu ir M. Foucault, Europos idėja straipsnyje traktuojama kaip neribotos pilietinės visuomenės idealas, kurio politinį pagrindą sudaro žmogaus teisės, įstatymo valdžia ir teisinės Europos institucijos. Tam tikra prasme šią idealią sienų neturinčios, neribotos visuomenės koncepciją realizuoja pati Europos Sąjunga. Šia prasme, žvelgiant iš "vidinės" suverenių, turinčių sienas narių valstybių perspektyvos, ji laikytina heterotopija. Tačiau, žvelgiant iš išorės ir geopolitiškai, Europa yra politinė galia su uždaromis sienomis, griežtai sauganti savo ribas. Šiuo atžvilgiu Europos Sąjunga gali būti vertinama kaip senojo europietiškojo galios pusiausvyros projekto tąsa.

8

KOBIETY I MĘŻCZYŹNI JAKO UCZESTNICY ROZWODOWYCH MEDIACJI RODZICIELSKICH

58%

Lipowicz E.

Rocznik Lubuski

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2016

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vol. 42

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issue 1

177-191

EN

The subject of research presented in the article are the results of parental divorce mediations as perceived by women and men. The research covered 29 couples who participated in parental divorce mediations which resulted in compromise. The basis of the research was an uncategorized in-depth interview. The main directions of research were determined by a question about balance of power between women and men in different phases of divorce conflict, i.e., before mediation, during mediation and a year after finishing mediation. The analysis of utterances of the questioned women and men makes it possibile to identify certain repetitive patterns of behaviour, and specific “games” played while fighting for a child.

PL

Przedmiotem badań prezentowanych w artykule są rezultaty rodzicielskich mediacji rozwodowych w percepcji kobiet i mężczyzn. Badaniami objęto 29 par, które uczestniczyły w rozwodowych mediacjach rodzicielskich i mediacje zakończyły się wypracowaniem porozumienia. Podstawą badań był nieskategoryzowany wywiad pogłębiony. Główne kierunki poszukiwań badawczych wyznaczyło pytanie o równowagę sił pomiędzy kobietami i mężczyznami na różnych etapach konfliktu rozwodowego tj. przed mediacją, w trakcie mediacji i rok po jej zakończeniu. Analiza wypowiedzi badanych kobiet i mężczyzn pozwoliła na wyodrębnienie pewnych powtarzających się wzorów zachowań, swoistych „gier” prowadzonych w walce o dziecko.

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Afryka w strategii europejskiej równowagi i bezpieczeństwa u schyłku XIX wieku

58%

Leśniewski M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2014

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vol. 16 - Konteksty bezpieczeństwa w Afryce. Problemy globalne, sektorowe, regionalne, lokalne

17-36

EN

During the last two decades of the 19th century Africa played crucial role in European policy of Balance of Power. It was also an important factor in up keeping tranquillity in Europe. The Scramble for Africa gave the European powers a chance of realizing their imperial ambitions without a risk of pan-European conflict. Therefore during 1880s Germany supported French colonial ambitions, hoping that France would abandon the revenge against Germany. Even weaker states, as Belgium or Italy, could realize there their ambitions. That was a case at least until the end of the 19th century. In a way it was a similar situation as with the proxy wars of 1960s. At the same time, thanks to the technological advances, the expansion in Africa was a cheap kind of imperialism. It allowed European powers and states to realize their ambitions without great financial and human costs.

10

Kształtowanie się nowego porządku międzynarodowego w okresie pandemii koronawirusa

58%

Soroka P.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2022

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vol. 40

27-43

EN

The article presents changes in the global balance of power in recent years, with particular emphasis on the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the evolution of the existing international order. The article presents the most important areas of increasing rivalry between the greatest powers and between regional powers in the political, military, and economic dimensions, which may upset the existing balance of power. Changes in the structure of the world economy and new faces of globalization were taken into account. Much attention was paid to the issue of shifting rivalry between superpowers from the Euro-Atlantic area towards Asia.

PL

W artykule ukazano zmiany w światowym układzie sił w ostatnich latach, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem wpływu pandemii koronawirusa na ewolucję istniejącego porządku międzynarodowego. W artykule zostały ukazane najważniejsze obszary nasilającej się rywalizacji między największymi mocarstwami oraz między mocarstwami regionalnymi w wymiarze polityczno-militarnym i gospodarczym, które mogą naruszyć istniejącą równowagę sił. Uwzględnione zostały zmiany w strukturze gospodarki światowej i nowe oblicza globalizacji. Dużo uwagi poświęcono kwestii przesunięcia rywalizacji między mocarstwami z obszaru euroatlantyckiego w kierunku Azji.

11

Questions of Organisation, Portraits and Everyday Life in Vienna, 1814–1815. La Garde-Cahmbonas about the Congress of Vienna

58%

Majoros I.

Central European Papers

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2016

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vol. 4

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issue 1

8-19

EN

This study presents an interesting memoir about the Congress of Vienna. La Garde-Chambonas, a French aristocrat, went to Vienna in 1814 to participate in the life of the city during the Congress. This book is a very good source for getting acquainted with the life of the European aristocracy in the capital of the Habsburg Monarchy. The author of the memoir presents a lot of personalities, rulers as Alexander I of Russia, Isabey, the famous painter and others. But first of all he writes about Prince of Ligne, his patron in Vienna. Before the presentation of the life in Vienna, the study deals with some questions of organisation regarding the Congress.

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Концепція «балансу сил» в Центрально-Європейському регіоні крізь призму російської агресії проти України: теоретико-методологічні аспекти

Geopolityczne konsekwencje traktatu wersalskiego

The Novelty of the Utrecht Peace Settlement (1713)

Unia Europejska między Brexitem a nowym Traktatem Elizejskim

Facing increased Russian aggressiveness: Popular militias, a potentially effective extra political and military instrument aimed at strategic deterrence

Strategic Ambiguity in US-Taiwan Relations During the Donald Trump Administration

The Political Frontiers of Europe as a Civil Society: J. Habermas' Rejection of a European Volk and M. Foucault's Balance of Power as Protections Against European Nation-State

KOBIETY I MĘŻCZYŹNI JAKO UCZESTNICY ROZWODOWYCH MEDIACJI RODZICIELSKICH

Afryka w strategii europejskiej równowagi i bezpieczeństwa u schyłku XIX wieku

Kształtowanie się nowego porządku międzynarodowego w okresie pandemii koronawirusa

Questions of Organisation, Portraits and Everyday Life in Vienna, 1814–1815. La Garde-Cahmbonas about the Congress of Vienna