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To what extent are the Romanian and the Albanian inflection convergents?This paper presents the results of a short contrastive analysis of functional inflection in the contemporary Romanian and Albanian. Its aim is to determine convergences between these two languages on a highly general level. Nine morphological categories (number, person, gender, case, determination, voice, aspect, mode and tense) with all their main values are described here in each variable lexical class of both the Romanian and the Albanian language. Such a treatment of two corresponding lingusitic subsystems clearly demonstrates that differences overcome similarities, and supposed balkanisms are dubious on this level. W jakim stopniu zbieżne są fleksja rumuńska i fleksja albańska?W artykule przedstawiono wyniki wstępnej analizy kontrastywnej, obejmującej fleksję funkcjonalną współczesnych języków rumuńskiego i albańskiego. Podstawowym celem jest tu określenie, na bardzo ogólnym poziomie, zbieżności między tymi językami. Pod uwagę wzięto dziewięć kategorii morfologicznych (liczba, osoba, rodzaj, przypadek, określoność, strona, aspekt, tryb i czas) wraz z ich prymarnymi wartościami w każdej odmiennej klasie leksykalnej, tak rumuńskiej, jak i albańskiej. Takie potraktowanie odpowiadających sobie dwu językowych podsystemów wykazuje wprost, że różnice przeważają tu nad podobieństwami, a przypuszczalne bałkanizmy są na tym poziomie raczej wątpliwe.
EN
The paper discusses the origin of one of the modern balkanisms, attested in most Balkan languages, cf. Mod. Gk. κουμάσι n. ‘kennel (for a dog); hencoop’, dial. (Cretan) κούμος m. (o-stem) ‘id.’; Alb. kumác m. ‘enclosure for small domestic animals: coop, cote; dog kennel; pig pen, sty’ and qyméz m. ‘chicken coop, dovecote’; Arom. cumás ‘hencoop’; Turk. kümes ‘poultryhouse; coop, hut’, also küm ‘id.’. The Turkish origin of the above-mentioned bunch, suggested by Gustav Meyer (1891/1982: 229) and Wanda Budziszewska (1983: 84), should be excluded for chronological problems. The Greek appellative appears as early as in the lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria, created by the end of 5th century AD, cf. κουμάσιον· τὸ τῶν ὀρνίθων οἴκημα. It is finally suggested that Mod. Gk. κούμος, Turk. küm and Bulg. dial. кумà represent an ancient borrowing from Anatolian *ḫaumaš c. (o-stem), cf. Hitt. ḫūmmaš c. ‘stable, stall, sty’, whereas Ancient Greek κουμάσιον, Mod. Gk. κουμάσι and its Balkan equivalents (cf. Turk. kümes, Alb. kumác, Arom. cumás) derive from the diminutive form *ḫaumati- in Anatolian, cf. Luw. ḫūmmati- ‘stable’.
EN
The paper discusses the origin of one of the modern balkanisms, attested in most Balkan languages, cf. Mod. Gk. κουμάσι n. ‘kennel (for a dog); hencoop’, dial. (Cretan) κούμος m. (o-stem) ‘id.’; Alb. kumác m. ‘enclosure for small domestic animals: coop, cote; dog kennel; pig pen, sty’ and qyméz m. ‘chicken coop, dovecote’; Arom. cumás ‘hencoop’; Turk. kümes ‘poultryhouse; coop, hut’, also küm ‘id.’. The Turkish origin of the above-mentioned bunch, suggested by Gustav Meyer (1891/1982: 229) and Wanda Budziszewska (1983: 84), should be excluded for chronological problems. The Greek appellative appears as early as in the lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria, created by the end of 5th century AD, cf. κουμάσιον· τὸ τῶν ὀρνίθων οἴκημα. It is finally suggested that Mod. Gk. κούμος, Turk. küm and Bulg. dial. кумà represent an ancient borrowing from Anatolian *ḫaumaš c. (o-stem), cf. Hitt. ḫūmmaš c. ‘stable, stall, sty’, whereas Ancient Greek κουμάσιον, Mod. Gk. κουμάσι and its Balkan equivalents (cf. Turk. kümes, Alb. kumác, Arom. cumás) derive from the diminutive form *ḫaumati- in Anatolian, cf. Luw. ḫūmmati- ‘stable’.
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