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EN
During Trajan Decius’s reign (249–251) in a number of provincial mints – Alexandria, Caesarea Maritima, Magnesia ad Sipylum and Nicomedia – coins were issued featuring the theme of the barbarian (an enemy or a captive) in reverse iconography. In this article, I discuss these coins, considering them in the context of the iconographic tradition and the activity of the particular mints during Decius’s reign, and also in relation to the ideology of victory and the dynastic ideology. They are interesting especially because the theme of the barbarian was not utilised in the parallel imperial coinage. Nevertheless, its presence in provincial coinage is also of a marginal nature. Moreover, the end of Decius’s reign also coincided with a time-related hiatus in the use of the theme in provincial coinage.
EN
The article aims to present transformation of Roman aristocracy in the Gaul territory in the V century. Analyzing rich legacy of Sydoniusz Apollinaris, who represented Gaul-Roman elites, we can recreate the picture of Gaul of his days – shown against the background of transformations taking place in the Roman Empire. The V century seems to be critical in the history of Gaul, as it was then that various barbaric tribes, wading through the defense line on the Rhine, “flooded” the Gaul territory. Simultaneously numerous usurpations of imperial power occurred in the West, causing weakening of Roman influence in the dependent provinces. In this situation, Roman aristocracy, playing until that moment a key role in preservation of traditional Roman administration and of Church organizations – deeply rooted in the territories belonging to the Empire, and thus guaranteeing the continuity of the imperial authority – was bound to answer a difficult question: what to do, when the territorial dependency disappears together with the disappearance of the Western Empire? That is why in the West a certain transformation was to occur; a new order, based on three interconnected elements; Romanitas, Germanitas i Christianitas, was to be created.
PL
Artykuł omawia zagadnienie relacji rzymsko-barbarzyńskich w świetle zbioru Panegyrici Latini (III-IV w.). Poprzez analizę tych tekstów artykuł ukazuje zróżnicowane aspekty tytułowych relacji. Skrajną postawą Rzymian jest dążenie do wyniszczenia ludów barbarzyńskich lub przynajmniej ich podporządkowania Rzymowi. Liczne teksty ukazują jednak zróżnicowane formy integracji dwóch ludów. Drogą do niej były deportacje barbarzyńców na tereny rzymskie wynikające z potrzeb personalnych Cesarstwa (koloni i rekruci). W artykule jest także omówiona rola limesu, który z granicy staje się stopniowo miejscem spotkania i poszerza pola kontaktu i integracji.
EN
The article discusses the issue of Roman-barbarian relations in the light of the collection Panegyrici Latini (3rd-4th century). Through the analysis of these texts, the article shows various aspects of these relationships. The extreme attitude of the Romans is the pursuit of the destruction of barbarian peoples or at least their subordination to Rome. However, numerous texts show different forms of integration of the two peoples, resulting from the deportations of barbarians to Roman territories for the personnel needs of the Empire (coloni and recruits). The article also discusses the role of the limes, which gradually becomes a meeting place rather than a border and expands the area of contact and integration.
EN
Throughout the whole existence of their Empire, the Romans used the divide et impera polity against the European barbarians. The Romans tried to prevent the establishment of larger and more powerful political entities which could endanger them. Simultaneously, they supported rivalry amongst the tribal chieftains and provided the friendly ones with gold and goods. The arrival of the Huns into Europe did not initially bring any change to this international system. Since the 420s the Huns unified their own tribe and created close alliances with other tribes in Middle and Eastern Europe. This alliance had at last the military power to clash with the Romans and disrupt Roman international order across Europe. Because the Hunnic military power was not sufficient, their state was more of a tribal confederacy than a hierarchical and tightly controlled empire. The Hunnic Empire was also a short-termed affair limited to Attila’s life.
PL
Artykuł omawia konstytucję wydaną przez cesarza Honoriusza w 416 r., dotyczącą wyłączenia odpowiedzialności karnej sprawców czynów kwalifikowanych jako crimen w sytuacji, gdy działania te podjęte zostały w czasie najazdu barbarzyńców, ucieczki przed najeźdźcami czy rządów uzurpatorów. Akt ten stanowi, że nie ma mowy o przestępstwie, jeśli czyn popełniono w obawie o życie. W artykule analizowane są poszczególne wyrażenia użyte w akcie prawnym, zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do języka prawnego epoki, jak również przedstawiono tło wydania konstytucji, a także wspomniano inne regulacje, odnoszące się do współdziałania – dobrowolnego lub pod przymusem – z wrogiem.
EN
The article analyses the constitution issued by Emperor Honorius in the year 416, concerning the perpetrators of offences qualified as crimen as the exemption from criminal liability, in a situation when such actions were undertaken during the barbaric invasions, escape from such invasions or the rule of the usurpers. The act governs that an action perpetrated for fear of one’s life cannot be seen as crime. The article analyses specific terms used in the above-mentioned legal act, especially in the context of the contemporary legal terminology of the epoch. Moreover, it presents the historical backdrop behind the issuing of the constitution, together with other regulations regarding collaboration with the enemy, both volitional and under coercion.
Vox Patrum
|
2018
|
vol. 70
559-600
EN
We owe important testimonies about local nomads to monks and pilgrims vi­siting Sinai. The information about them can be found in the works of Nilus of Sinai, Nilus of Ancyra, Ammonius, Jerome, Anastasius Sinaita or John Moschos. The image of the nomads, both Arabs and Blemmyds is painted in rather dark co­lours. The Christian authors pointed to the fact that they did not have permanent residences, nor cultivated land, but lived on what they hunted or robbed. They de­voted much attention to the attacks of the nomads on monasteries, hermits and pil­grims. They also reported the fate of the latter in captivity. They were shocked by Saracen beliefs, the cult of al-Uzza, identified with Aphrodite and bloody victims, especially human, although the latter has often been questioned by researchers. It seems that such practices may have happened, although rarely. Those Saracens who had adopted Christianity were presented in a different manner. They were allies of monks and hermits, defending them fromtheir pagan brothers. Even if their customs had not radically changed, for the Christian writers they were no longer barbarians. In the written sources, there is little information about collaboration between ascetics and nomadic communities, although we know from the archaeological sources that it took place, even in the form of trade exchange.
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EN
In De gubernatione Dei, Salwian of Marseilles assesses barbarians in a negative and positive manner. One might even get the impression that Salwian delivers a eulogy in honor of the barba- rians. The knowledge which Salwian communicates about the subject of barbarians is general in character, even sketchy. This knowledge comes from a certain rhetorical and literary canon, which was circulated at that time. Salwian does not give any more information on the topic of the barbarians directly from him. Although Salwian specifies the negative characteristics of individual barbarous nations, he is not especially interested in showing a negative image of them. Salwian shows barbarians in a rhetorical contrast to Roman Catholics. The pagan or Arian barbarians are portrayed in many cases as better than Roman Catholics and their guilt is shown to be lesser.
EN
The article examines vampires in Czech Decadent literature as polyvalent symbols that stand simultaneously for culture as a vampiric force and for decadence as a poisonous and infectious phenomenon. Vampires can also be associated with homosexuality, particularly in the work of Jiří Karásek ze Lvovic. In addition, they represent the power of the Austro-Hungarian Empire which had been draining the blood of Bohemia for centuries, leaving Prague a “dead city”, as well as the Czechs’ resistance to their subaltern status through a poisonous entropy that destroys not only the oppressors but also Czechs themselves. As such, Czech vampires have their counterpart in barbarians, who threaten to destroy the empire from without.
CS
Článek probírá upíry v literatuře české dekadence jakožto mnohoznačné symboly, současně reprezentující kulturu jakožto upírskou mocnost a dekadenci jakožto fenomén nákazy a jedu. Upíři mohou být též asociováni s homosexualitou, zvláště v díle Jiřího Karáska ze Lvovic. Představují také moc rakousko- uherské říše, která po staletí sála českou krev a učinila z Prahy „mrtvé město“, ale i odpor Čechů vůči své podřízenosti realizovaný jedovatou entropií, která neničí jen původce útisku, ale i samotné Čechy. V tomto smyslu jsou protějškem českých upírů barbaři, kteří říši ohrožují zvenčí
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