In this article, I set out to demonstrate the inadequateness of traditional linguistic categories in light of ongoing language change. As a case in point, I analyse some of the syntactic properties of the Dutch want/omdat X construction. The erstwhile coordinating conjunction want ‘because’ and the subordinating conjunction omdat ‘because’ not only take clauses as complements, but nouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, interjections, direct speech, and emoticons as well. I discuss three proposed analyses of the aforementioned constructions: an ellipsis, a preposition, or a category sui generis. Against the backdrop of these diverging proposals, I emphasise the need to understand linguistic categories such as parts of speech as intrinsically vague and prototypical. Moreover, I also briefly sketch the diachrony of want/omdat X and show that, contrary to frequent claims, it is not a recent innovation since its precursors can be found as early as in the 1960s.
This paper presents the first qualitative analysis of the Czech causal construction protože X ‘because X’. First, against the backdrop of a number of earlier analyses of equivalent constructions in English, German, and Dutch, the article discusses the variability of the X slot of the Czech construction. Second, it is argued that although some instances of the construction are definitely elliptical, others are not, and generally categorising protože X as a case of ellipsis is therefore inadequate. The crucial distinction is made between reconstructing an ellipsis and expanding a non-ellipsis. Third, a brief sketch of the diachrony of the construction is presented. It is suggested that non-elliptical protože X constructions developed out of elliptical clauses with protože ‘because’. These elliptical instances of protože X can be found as early as in the 19th century. Finally, the Czech construction protože X is compared with its equivalents in English, German, and Dutch. Finally, further research questions are suggested.
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