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1

Bolszewizm, Komunizm, Stalinizm w prasie Polski podziemnej (1939–1945)

100%

Sacewicz K.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2010

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vol. 1

47-62

EN

Communism and bolshevism are fundamental ideas characteristic of the Soviet Union which were discussed in underground newspapers. This subject gave the possibilities of becoming familiar with essence of the Soviet Union’s policy. This problem when the Red Army was getting closer to the border of the Republic of Poland became a current issue. It allowed to recognise the reality of the Soviet Union, reality which Polish communists tried to inculcate to the Polish society. This subject was extensively introduced and analysed by the underground newspapers, simultaneously showing the attitude of Polish underground organisations to Soviets and their policy.

2

Bolszewicy i rewizjoniści, czyli socjaliści przeciw socjalistom. Źródła, motywy i konsekwencje konfliktu w ruchu robotniczym na przełomie XIX i XX wieku

88%

Przytulski F., Sulikowski P.

Studia Maritima

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2014

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vol. 27/II

193-216

EN

Marxism, as any social ideology, contains many conflicting motives. They represent the potential of various political doctrines. The aim of the article was to show the sources, content and consequences of the ideological conflict between the two Marxists, precursors of conflicting political ideologies. Vladimir Lenin, with his monopolistic rights to the interpretation of Marxism, the army-like organization of the party and the recognition of his opponents as enemies, became the forerunner of the totalitarian system. Eduard Bernstein, touted as the creator of revisionism, has verified Marxism, rejected the ved that the socialist party should participate in a democratic system dogma of the class struggle, claimed the proletarian revolution being irrational and belie, using its mechanisms for achieving the objectives of the working class. In this way Bernstein became one of the promoters of democracy. The article discussed the main ideological and political consequences of the gap between the two ideological movements.

3

Michaił N. Pokrowski (1868-1932). Portret uczonego i rewolucjonisty

88%

Witczak J. K.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2012

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vol. 3

87-99

EN

Mikhail Nikolayevich Pokrovsky is undoubtedly one of these Russian historians, whose creative heritage has been the object of controversies for decades. Upon that, some authors write mainly on scholar’s remarkable contribution to national historiography, his original idea of Russia’s historical evolution; others – in every possible way emphasize dark sides of Pokrovsky’s work, inefficiency of his class and political approach to historical researches, “tangled by pseudo-Marxist dogmas”. The author of this paper in view of newly revealed sources has tried to present the unbiased story of Marxist historian’s life and his diligent search for an answer to “the eternal questions of existence”. The limited size of this paper does not allow to describe more thoroughly certain periods of his work and activity. The author sees his main task in approximation of main events and facts straightforwardly connected with the described personage and casting discredit on existing in scholarly literature opinions about scholar’s allegedly solely negative influence on historical studies in soviet Russia in 1920s. The outline has been written on the basis of old as well as completely new historical publications which allows to examine more carefully different facts concerning the scholar, which have emerged over a period of last decades.

4

Politika Lidové fronty a její vliv na antisystémovost KSČ

75%

Popálený P.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2019

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issue 1

31-53

EN

This article is devoted to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the influence of the concept of the People’s Front adapted within the scope of the Communist International, and its impact on the anti-systemic attitudes of Czechoslovak communists. The theoretical starting point is Sartori’s classic theory of the anti-systemic party. Within the scope of First Republic Czechoslovakia, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia undoubtedly represented an anti-systemic party, but the attitudes and intensity of manifestations underwent a certain development. The Communist International, and its Moscow leadership had a crucial influence on the policy of Czechoslovak communists. Its individual directives and concepts fundamentally affected what happened in the party. The core policies, or more precisely starting points, included the United Front and the People’s Front. The interpretation and realization of both of these policies were accompanied by ambiguity, and often conflicting interpretations. In spite of these facts, the People’s Front meant a fundamental turnaround in many respects, but of importance was that the objective, in the form of the proletariat’s dictatorship, remained unchanged. In the 1930s, under the influence of domestic and international situations, and shielded by the policy of the People’s Front, Czechoslovak communists managed to gradually connect with a significant part of society. The reason for their success was the obscuring of anti-systemic attitudes, complemented by a populist approach, and last but not least an appeal to national sentiment. The active support for the policy of the People’s Front, and the devotion to the Communist International maintained the Moscow leadership’s favor. The future aft er World War II was proof of how effective such an approach was.

5

Советская действительность на страницах варшавской газеты российских эмигрантов „Меч”

75%

Janczuk E.

Acta Polono-Ruthenica

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2014

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issue 19

47-59

EN

In this study the materials dealing with the Soviet realities published in Warsaw by the Russian emigrants’ weekly “Mech” during a year period (the first 45 issues) are analyzed. The analysis constitutes a segment of historical and political context prevailing at that time in Poland, especially of its complex relations with the Soviet Union. In retrospect one can observe a distinct turn in the weekly’s activity explained partly by a change of its form - from a magazine to newspaper (issue 21) which demanded replacement of is analytic way by more informative attitude and partly by separation from emigrant centre in Paris. The air of publications reflected difficult situation of the emigrants, though all information this way or another dealing with the Soviets was filled with biting comments and sheer anti-Soviet rhetoric. Also a clear quantitative tendency is shown in the number of the Soviets related publications, from 1-3 in the initial period up to 11-13 by the end of the period under the study. The scope of issues was also widening embracing economy, political life, repression, education, Soviet manhood, etc. The publication type change is also traced evolving to a more eye-witness, document support, interview, Soviet source mentioning, citation from contemporary Soviet literature depicting real life columnistic kind. The material analyzed gives much food for thought about the character of the Russian identity and its tragic split.

6

Uljanow – człowiek bezdomny. Uwagi o książce Helen Rappaport

71%

Kuligowski P.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

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2016

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vol. 20

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issue 2

231-245

EN

Helen Rappaport in her book Conspirator: Lenin in exile proposes a new view of Lenin’s lifetime in exile, i.e., of the period 1902–1917, as the most important time in the Russian revolutionist’s life. This approach opens up a place for new interpretations, but also is combined with certain problems. To some extent, Rappaport succeeds in demythologizing Lenin and in showing him as a character whose features and outlook are in the process of being shaped. On the other hand, book contains many formulations that are poorly grounded in sources and sensational plots, which largely has ensured publicity for the book. In addition, Rapport does not give convincing answers to the question of how Lenin’s stay in different European countries influenced the evolution of his outlook. Rappaport’s book is limited in this respect to summarizing subsequent works of the Russian revolutionist, as well as to attempting to interpret them through the prism of his psychological features.

PL

Helen Rapport w swojej książce Conspirator: Lenin in Exile proponowała nowe spojrzenie na emigracyjny okres życia Lenina, to jest na lata 1902–1917, jako na czas najistotniejszy w życiu rosyjskiego rewolucjonisty. Ten sposób ujęcia zagadnienia otwiera przestrzeń dla nowych interpretacji, ale także wiąże się z określonymi problemami. Rappaport udało się do pewnego stopnia „odbrązowić” Lenina i ukazać go jako postać, której cechy i światopogląd wówczas dopiero się kształtowały. Z drugiej jednak strony, książka zawiera sporo słabo ugruntowanych źródłowo, lecz „sensacyjnych” wątków, które w dużej mierze zapewniły jej rozgłos. Rappaport nie dała również przekonujących odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób pobyt w różnych krajach Europy wpłynął na ewolucję światopoglądową Lenina, ograniczając się w tej sferze do referowania kolejnych prac rosyjskiego rewolucjonisty lub do prób przyjrzenia się im przez pryzmat jego cech psychologicznych.

7

The Occultist Background of Bolshevism

63%

Stanisławczyk B.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2023

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vol. 9

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issue 3

50-59

EN

The revolution in Russia was not conceived among workers and peasants, as it has been accepted in popular historiography. It was a project with intelligentsia roots and an esoteric background. The aim of the article is to show the long occultist path that led to Bolshevism and communism, whose origins date back to the times of Peter I and his reforms, carried out in the spirit of Western Gnosticism with the help of secret societies. In the 19th century Russia was captured by an occult frenzy, which combined various currents of thought and made the society treat the revolution as a mystical action leading to the construction of a new world. The issue we deal with in the article covers a wide range of interrelated social, political and cultural phenomena over the three hundred years of Russian history, for which the international context is extremely important. For obvious reasons, we do not aspire to exhaust the subject. The text is intended to draw attention to the actual profound causes for the origination of Bolshevism and communism, creating a scientific basis for a study that will be soon brought out in the book form.

8

Věčné návraty nových řádů : o říjnové revoluci, sociálním inženýrství a konci státu i práva

51%

Přibáň J.

Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)

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2017

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vol. 156

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issue 11

939-948

EN

The October Revolution is part of the typically modern belief in the end of politics, the withering state and its gradual replacement by rational administration of society. This scheme, in which the state’s legal legitimacy is being replaced by the illegal revolution aiming at the abolition of the state and law and the creation of an entirely new society based on the values of both revolutionary change and rational organisation, distinguishes the October Revolution of 1917 from classic revolutions of the eighteenth century and most of emancipatory revolutions of the nineteenth century. In the introductory part of this article, I focus on the problem of legality, values and the state’s legitimacy. In the following part, I analyse the October Revolution’s legitimacy in the context of general revolutionary dynamics. In the final part, I return to the problem of values in law and politics and their changeability which makes them incapable of becoming the foundations of the systems of positive law and politics. The October Revolution serves as an example of societal regress caused by such attempts to establish value foundations of positive law and politics. Nevertheless, I refuse to describe the October Revolution as an isolated and exceptional phenomenon. Instead, I contextualise it as part of general modern trends of depoliticisation and social engineering. As much as the Soviet avantgarde art cannot be comprehended without the Italian futurism, the October Revolution cannot be comprehended without this general legitimation of modernity.

CS

Říjnová revoluce patří do široké palety moderní víry v konec politiky, odumírání státu a jeho nahrazování racionální správou společnosti. Toto schéma, v němž legální legitimitu státu střídá nelegální revoluce zaměřená na zrušení státu a práva a vytvoření zcela nové společnosti, jejímiž základními hodnotami jsou revolučnost i racionální organizace, odlišuje Říjnovou revoluci roku 1917 od klasických revolucí konce 18. století i většiny emancipačních revolucí 19. století.V této stati se proto nejprve zabývám problémem legality, hodnot a legitimity státu. V následující části analyzuji legitimitu Říjnové revoluce v kontextu obecné revoluční dynamiky.V závěrečné části se vracím k problému hodnot v právu a politice a jejich proměnlivosti, která znemožňuje, aby se z nich staly fundamenty systémů pozitivního práva a politiky. Říjnová revoluce zde slouží jako příklad regresu, k jakému takové pokusy vedou v kterékoli moderní společnosti. Zároveň však odmítám popisovat ji jako izolovaný nebo ojedinělý fenomén, a naopak ji zasazuji do rámce obecných depolitizačních a sociálně inženýrských tendencí moderní doby. Stejně jako avantgardnímu sovětskému umění nelze porozumět bez znalosti italského futurismu, ani Říjnové revoluci nelze porozumět bez této obecné legitimizace modernity.

9

Zamach stanu czy rewolucja społeczna? Październik 1917 w historiografii przełomu XX i XXI wieku – wybrane publikacje i problemy

51%

Kulecka A.

Klio Polska. Studia i Materiały z Dziejów Historiografii Polskiej

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2016

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issue 8

PL

Celem niniejszych rozważań jest próba ukazania zasadniczych dzieł i tez dorobku historiografii światowej przełomu XX i XXI w. odnoszących się do wydarzeń Października 1917 związanych z przejęciem władzy w Rosji przez partię bolszewików kierowanych przez Władimira Lenina. Zaprezentowane refleksje zostały osnute wokół pytania o charakter tego przełomu – czy był on rewolucją społeczną, stanowiącą wynik niezadowolenia mas, chęci zmiany własnej kondycji ekonomicznej i socjalnej, wiążącej się z nowymi potrzebami kulturowymi, czy też zamachem stanu będącym rezultatem działania wąskiej, partyjnej elity zintegrowanej wokół wodza, kierującej się interesami definiowanymi własną ideologią, lekceważącej istniejący system prawny i osiągającej cele z pominięciem panujących w nim zasad.

EN

At the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, different historiographies began to move away from the interpretations that treated the October revolution as a separate subject of study. The revolution has come to be inserted in a series of events and presented as just one section of a long process. An important part of creating the narrative on the revolution concerns the search for its general historical meaning. From the liberal perspective, the events of October 1917 are seen as a coup d’etat that resulted in the establishment of the Bolsheviks’ rule, to which they could claim no legal right. However, it was the following civil war which ended in the Bolsheviks’ victory that enabled the Soviet system to take hold. The construction of the new state and the new society was made possible by the defeat inflicted on the Whites in the civil war. The revolution was thus only the first step on the road to establishing communist totalitarianism. From this perspective, one is justified in questioning the revolution’s reputedly crucial role in bringing about a significant historic change. In discussing these issues, scholars have been led to explore the possibility of making the liberal ideology take root in the non-modernised societies. One of the questions posed is whether the liberal ideology gives rise to the civil society or the civil society makes the dissemination of the ideology possible. In Russia in 1917, the public sentiments were largely shaped by those who had only recently stopped being considered slaves of the absolute monarchy, and the experience of representative institutions such as Parliament was still very limited. The fact that the rhetoric of social revolution is no longer used for interpreting the events of October 1917 can be regarded as proof that the founding myth of the Bolshevik Russia and its ideological legacy – the Soviet Union – did not survive the collapse of the state. It has been replaced by the narrative about the political coup d’etat that did not have social support.

10

Jak nie postępować? Polscy socjaliści międzywojnia wobec fenomenu bolszewizmu

51%

Kuligowski P.

Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk

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2013

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issue 3

PL

Artykuł jest poświęcony stosunkowi polskich socjalistów okresu międzywojennego wobec fenomenu bolszewizmu. Z powodu specyfi ki rodzimej myśli socjalistycznej, która kształtowała się w warunkach braku niepodległego bytu państwowego, wiele z jej podstawowych idei nie przystawało do koncepcji, a przede wszystkim – do praktyki rządów komunistycznych w Rosji. Krytyka bolszewizmu opierała się na czterech zasadniczych fi larach, czyli negacji antydemokratyzmu, kosmopolityzmu, napiętnowaniu powszechnie stosowanego terroru oraz instrumentalnego wykorzystywania koncepcji duetu Marks-Engels.

EN

The article deals with the relationship inter-war Polish socialists to the phenomenon of Bolshevism. Due to the fact that Polish socialist thought was formed in the absence of independent statehood, many of the basic ideas do not fi t the concept, and above all - the practice of communist rule in Russia. Critique of Bolshevism was based on four main pillars: negation of anti-democratism, negation of cosmopolitanism, stigma commonly used terror and instrumental use of the concept of Marx-Engels duo.

11

Rewolucyjne zmiany świadomości chłopstwa ukraińskiego w okresie reżimu bolszewickiego w latach 20-tych i 30-tych XX wieku (według paradygmatu J. Scotta)

51%

Oryszczenko R.

Prawo i Polityka

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2018

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issue 8

84-91

EN

The paper focuses on the political factor of Stalin’s totalitarian regime formed in the industrial society as a means of destruction of the traditional self-consciousness of Ukrainian peasants in the 1920–30s. Basing on recent works of Ukrainian experts on rural studies, Andrew Wilson, and first and foremost the US scholar James C. Scott, the author follows four aspects of the political influence that caused a comparatively significant change of the rural inhabitants’ self-consciousness. According to the paradigm of J. Scott, the experience of implementing high modernism appeared unnatural for Ukraine’s rural areas, in particular because it ignored such an important aspect as the religiousity of people, which was able to evolve and was not bound to disappear.

12

Spór intelektualistów bolszewickich z Karlem Kautskim o znaczenie i konsekwencje rewolucji październikowej. Casus pracy Lwa Trockiego „Terroryzm i komunizm” (1920)

51%

Grudka P., Kendziorek P.

Studia Podlaskie

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2020

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vol. 28

117-144

EN

The authors of the article discuss the debate in the international labour movement regarding the significance of the Russian Revolution in first years following the Bolsheviks’ rise to power. The primary point of reference is the argumentation in defense of the Bolshevik policy put forward by Leon Trotsky in his Terrorism and Communism (1920). The work was the Bolshevik intellectuals’ most elaborate attempt at countering the claims of Karl Kautsky. The latter aimed to prove that the practice and theory of Bolshevism stood in clear opposition to key Marxist principles.

PL

W artykule autorzy przedstawiają debatę w międzynarodowym ruchu robotniczym dotyczącą wykładni znaczenia rewolucji rosyjskiej w pierwszych latach po przejęciu władzy przez bolszewików. Głównym punktem odniesienia jest tu argumentacja, którą w obronie polityki bolszewickiej przedstawił Lew Trocki w pracy Terroryzm i komunizm (1920). Była ona najbardziej rozbudowaną próbą odparcia przez intelektualistów bolszewickich argumentów Karla Kautskiego. Ten ostatni starał się wykazać, że teoria i praktyka bolszewików oznaczała zerwanie z kluczowymi zasadami i koncepcjami marksizmu.

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