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EN
The author of the paper explores two dichotomous phenomena - boredom and entertainment - in Polish prose for children from the period of PRL, basing on the adventure novels written by Edmund Niziurski in the 1960s: Awanturza w Niekłaju (1962) and Siódme wtajemniczenie (1969). Both notions are discussed from the perspective of ethnography, anthropology, and the history of childhood. Referring to Roger Caillois’s concepts of play and games, the researcher analyses the images of transformation of entertainment behaviours as presented by young characters from Niziurski’s novels, and links between the text and social and political reality in Poland of the 1960s. Her findings indicate that, in his writing of this period, Niziurski both withdrew from socrealistic poetics and abandoned the ideological, persuasive function of entertainment for the sake of uninhibited, spontaneous children’s games and play.
EN
The article concentrates on mapping continuities and changes in the contemporary Estonian school lore about experiences with supernatural beings: main characters, fears, and emotions connected with such supernatural beliefs as well as supernatural protective mechanisms are highlighted. One of the central topics of the article is cultural and linguistic loans (e.g. international newcomers like the Slenderman) and their sources (e.g. films, computer games, narrative folklore). I also investigate the interactions of fantasy and real life, believing and non-believing in schoolchildren’s memorates. The article is mainly based on materials that have been collected from schoolchildren since 1992, but I also draw parallels with traditional older folklore.
EN
The fundamental social contact of a child includes his or her family and immediate environment, which influences the development of his or her personality and affects his or her cultural and social integration. These influences are gradually extended by the school and teachers who guide the child to adopt not only new knowledge but also life standards and values, including those based on folk traditions. The presented study aims at answering questions dealing with the role of the school as an educating and often the only cultural institution in the village, in the period of the changing position of the school and teacher in the community. It addresses the influence of the teacher on children in the realm of folk culture transfer and on the tie between and teacher, the pupil, and the region where they are active. Using theoretical basis, the text presents particular examples in Horňácko, a noticeable region in the southeast Moravia, from the nineteenth century to the present day. Although contemporary research shows the influence of regional education and national Framework Curricula for School Education, individual approaches of particular teachers are dominant.
EN
Internet memes represent a new vernacular genre, items of which are created and also distributed digitally. Every day, ever new information keeps flowing through the feeds of social media sites. Internet memes, unlike traditional folklore, are not meant to be conveyed from generation to generation, and rarely would one expect a recurrence of a meme that has already been seen and passed forward. New memes are being created constantly, representing every conceivable aspect of physical as well as virtual reality. The external world is represented through a seemingly anything-goes game of combining shapes and forms. Already in the current stage of development of the genre, we can notice that memes correspond to their users’ subcultural and other group-related preferences. Age-group specific meme use is also discernible. This paper focuses on the meme repertoire of schoolchildren in the Tartu region, which is published on special Facebook or Instagram pages. The empirical work consisted in observing the meme sites and interviewing those generating the memes. School memes are presented as depiction of the life in a particular school and used for generating a feeling of belonging within that school. By memeing, schoolchildren apply a certain kind of cultural knowledge, a memetic code, which is not necessarily accessible to adults – indeed, they might not even have encountered it. William Corsaro characterises peer group culture with keywords such as autonomy, control, conflict, and differentiation; the challenge is to make fun of the authority of adults. In school memes, we are witnessing not only a peer group counterculture, but also an endeavour by the group to create a certain distinct world of its own. The novel and youthful memetic form suits well for this project.
Mäetagused
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2018
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vol. 71
175-196
EN
Children who lived in the WWII and post-war period, under the occupation of Nazi Germany (1941–1944) and the Soviet Union (1944–1991), had their own assortment of games. Estonia suffered the fate of being on the battlefront twice – in 1941 and 1944. Among the traces of war that inspired children’s games were munitions scattered around the terrain. In 2013, the Estonian Folklore Archives of the Estonian Literary Museum organised a competition for collecting children’s games. In this paper, I examine the accounts about playing with munitions – mainly cartridges found on the terrain and real gunpowder – collected from people born in the period between the late 1920s and late 1940s. From a folkloristic perspective, I study the descriptions of games collected in the competition in two ways. First, I situate them in their historical-cultural context. The use of left-behind munitions for playing was characteristic of WWII as well as the post-war period and mostly typical of boys. The descriptions emphasise spectacular fireworks and loud cracking. The use of various means (e.g. glowing embers by children herding animals) for making loud sounds, but also real gunpowder in toy guns (sussik in Estonian) was also present in the earlier tradition. Although the respondents might not have perceived the risks associated with these activities back when they were children, their descriptions usually also include their adult point of view: these games were very dangerous. Some claim that they were not aware of the risks; others that they were able to assess them well; still others that they were simply foolhardy. The descriptions of games also reveal a certain perplexity – adult respondents are at a loss to explain why they did those things as children. Left-behind munitions could be obtained quite easily, while conventional toys or means for making them were severely lacking at the time. Thus, children played with whatever they could find and the use of munitions diversified the range of toys available to them. Secondly, I interpret the games with left-behind munitions as a type of game that tests the daring and foolhardiness of players. Dangerous games and risky-play games are discussed in several accounts of children’s games. Researchers suggest that playing dangerous games is driven by the will to make sense of risk-taking and responsibility. Child and developmental psychologists find that such games are characteristic of childhood and adolescence, and that playing them is necessary for normal development. Children’s risk-taking behaviour and testing the boundary between the possible and impossible is an integral part of coming of age and self-realisation during adolescence. Yet, development in the preschool age likewise implies testing one’s capabilities and experiencing the feeling of fear. Munitions were novel and fascinating, and enabled children to apply their inventiveness, sense their bravery, and experience excitement. On the other hand, due to frequent injuries and accidents, one could also find exactly the opposite attitudes toward munitions. Thus, for some people who grew up in that era, munitions are associated with games and new toys, but for others, they are associated with pains of loss and tragedy.
EN
In the article, the process of justification of ethno-pedagogical periodization of the problems of upbringing children of preschool age on the traditions of Hellenic culture in Azov region on relevant stages is briefly described; information on the work done is provided. The main idea of the article is substantiation of stages of historical ethno-pedagogical thought development, which influenced the upbringing of children of the Greeks. The author analyzed scientific works of researchers who studied the Greeks of Azov region: culture, folk art, folklore and others. The problem of ethno-pedagogical periodization of upbringing of preschool children on traditions of Hellenic culture of Azov region based on the analysis, systemization, summarizing of historical, ethnolinguistic, ethnographic, anthropological and scientific works of researchers is justified. The characteristics of the stages in upbringing of Greek children are analyzed. The article goes on to say that the raising of Greeks children is affected by national traditions. Social, historical, and cultural changes in society are closely related to national traditions. It is stressed that despite the difficult fate, and being exposed to various persecutions, the Greeks of Azov region were able to maintain their system of upbrining. It is shown that according to the results of the field research, the author substantiated four stages in upbringing of children of the Greeks. Each stage corresponds to a definite time frame in which different periods of life and living conditions of Greeks in Azov region (traditions, culture, customs, folklore of Greeks, folk art) are described. Each historical stage of development of the culture of the Greeks of Azov region has its own peculiarities. The new principles of methodology in local and historical expeditions and field research are described. The author comes to the conclusion that the results give a basis for better understanding of the problems of Greeks children upbringing of the following national traditions.
EN
One of the important elements of Professor Jerzy Cieślikowski’s theory of great fun is a child-animal relation. Realistic situations of children’s play with an animal according to Cieślikowski were sources of children’s folklore and literature. The author of paper proposes a new critical animal studies (CAS) for children’s literature studies. This new perspective allows to put hypothesis about new child-animal relations in literature, new ecologic education values and – what is most important – lead us to new ethics, by overcoming taboo of animal’s death and suffering in children’s literature.
PL
Jednym z bardzo ważnych elementów teorii wielkiej zabawy autorstwa Jerzego Cieślikowskiego jest opis relacji dziecko-zwierzę. Realne sytuacje zabawy dziecka ze zwierzęciem według Cieślikowskiego były istotnym źródłem dziecięcego folkloru, a co za tym idzie, literatury dziecięcej. Autorka artykułu proponuje nową perspektywę badań literatury dziecięcej: critical animals studies (CAS). Spojrzenie to pozwala postawić hipotezy na temat specyficznych relacji dziecko-zwierzę w literaturze dziecięcej, nowych wartości edukacyjnych obejmujących ekologię, a także etykę, w których śmierć i cierpienie zwierząt zostałyby odtabuizowane.
Mäetagused
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2019
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vol. 74
51-76
EN
This paper is based on the contributions submitted to the 2013 competition of folklore collection organised by the Estonian Folklore Archives of the Estonian Literary Museum, in which people born in the 1940s reminisced about the dolls of their childhood. The contributions to this competition were essentially childhood memories of a specific overarching topic, i.e., the topic of playing and games. In folklore studies, such single-topic descriptions are known as thematic narratives. Thematic narratives are written submissions to a competition or written responses to a survey. I call the thematic narratives collected within this particular competition play memories. The contributions highlight the dialogicity of memories: the personal perspective is intertwined with the perspective of the folklore collector; imagined readers are presented with childhood emotions and biographical information. To analyse the contributions, I thematised the data by looking for similar content elements across the texts and used these to form more general categories. One of the distinctive features of the material collected for the folklore archives in this way is precisely that it conveys personal experiences. The analysis revealed that even though childhood memories are affected by the conceptions of the adult rememberer who has written them down, they can nevertheless shed light on the child’s perspective in the form of vivid memories. Many of the recounted occurrences with dolls can be interpreted as vivid memories that convey some first-time or otherwise significant experiences and the related emotions. The contributions include descriptions of dolls and provide insight into their origins or makers. Much importance is placed on the experiences with one’s own doll or the absence thereof. During the lifetime of those born in the 1940s, the phenomenon of toy ownership began to change. Self-made rag dolls began to be supplemented by store-bought dolls. The toy industry started using plastics, and dolls became cheaper and more readily available. The memories submitted to the competition feature descriptions of receiving a doll, but also stories of yearning for one. The contributors occasionally associate poverty and lack of toys with injustice and wrongdoing. Then again, not all the girls loved to play with dolls or felt a need for them. The contributors also introduce the circumstances of their childhood and tell their imagined readers about their past, thus stepping into the role of a folklorist or a collaborator. In addition to relating personal experiences and personal past, the writers also aim to convey and promote their own “truth”, to further their own “agenda”. The contributions of play memories also discuss the scarcity of toys, often attributing a positive significance to it. The contributors depict themselves as vigorous go-getters who were able to overcome their rough circumstances by creating full-fledged play-worlds from whatever means available. Many find the topic of dolls and doll games important, for memories of one’s dolls constitute an essential part of one’s play memories.
EN
The starting point of this article is to point out to the children’s folklore as an abandoned area of research issues regarding a world of a child. Too often (also by pedagogues) the kids are perceived only as the recipients of the culture, therefore children’s folklore is associated mostly with traditional messages, created by adults. Meanwhile, the main argument of this article is the conclusion that children in peer groups constitute a separate socio-cultural community, which creates a discourse specific to itself, has its own standards and generates its own folklore symbols repertoire. Starting from defining the key concepts, i.e. “folklore”, “children’s folklore”, “intersubjective knowledge”, “subculture discourse”, I try to describe the mechanism of creation and functioning of children’s folklore manifestations. The goal of this description is an attempt to open the pedagogically important research fields, such as e.g. the sources, causes and ways of creation of children’s folklore manifestations, or the social and cultural entanglements/contexts of the peer subculture discourse.
PL
Punktem wyjścia niniejszego artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na folklor dziecięcy jako zaniechany obszar problematyki badawczej dotyczącej świata dziecka. Zbyt często (także przez pedagogów) dzieci są postrzegane jedynie jako odbiorcy kultury, dlatego z folklorem dziecięcym kojarzą się przede wszystkim przekazy tradycyjne, tworzone przez dorosłych. Tymczasem przewodnią tezą tego artykułu jest konstatacja, że dzieci w grupach rówieśniczych stanowią odrębną wspólnotę społeczno-kulturową, która tworzy specyficzny dla siebie dyskurs, rządzi się własnymi normami i generuje własny repertuar znaków folkloru. Wychodząc od zdefiniowania kluczowych pojęć, tj. „folklor”, „folklor dzieci”, „wiedza intersubiektywna”, „dyskurs subkultur”, próbuję dokonać opisu mechanizmu tworzenia się i funkcjonowania przejawów folkloru dziecięcego. Celem opracowania jest próba otwarcia ważnych pedagogicznie pól badawczych, takich jak np. źródła, przyczyny i sposoby tworzenia się przejawów folkloru dziecięcego czy społeczne i kulturowe uwikłania/konteksty dyskursu subkultury rówieśniczej.
Filoteknos
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2019
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issue 9
40–47
PL
Określenie „kompleks Kopciuszka” pojawiło się w rozprawach poświęconych literaturze dziecięcej głównie za sprawą krytyków a także historyków literatury starających się podnieść refleksję nad tym typem literatury do rangi dyscypliny akademickiej, przeciwdziałać protekcjonalnemu (a nawet lekceważącemu) traktowaniu twórczości dla najmłodszych przez przedstawicieli profesjonalnego literaturoznawstwa. Należała do nich Krystyna Kuliczkowska podkreślająca w swych rozprawach zespolenie w utworach dla młodego odbiorcy treści dydaktycznych z artyzmem, w najwybitniejszych dokonaniach tego typu twórczości wręcz zacieranie się granicy między literaturą dziecięcą a uniwersalną, adresowaną przede wszystkim do dorosłych. Najpełniejszą, spójną i konsekwentną odpowiedzią na „kompleks Kopciuszka” okazała się zaproponowana przez Jerzego Cieślikowskiego koncepcja „wielkiej zabawy” wykraczająca w istocie poza granice tradycyjnego literaturoznawstwa, w nowatorski sposób rozszerzająca obszar badawczy o dziedziny kulturoznawstwa, antropologii i folklorystyki. Świat wielkiej zabawy stał się w rozważaniach tego uczonego kulturowym paradygmatem, w którym usytuował najważniejsze zjawiska i gatunki literatury adresowanej do młodego odbiorcy, dokonując przy tym ważnego rozróżnienia „literatury dla dzieci”, w tradycyjnym tego słowa rozumieniu, oraz literatury „dziecięcej” – a więc tworzonej z uwzględnieniem dziecięcego sposobu widzenia świata, poczucia humoru, niekiedy też kompetencji językowych dziecka. Dowartościował więc w swych badaniach folklor dziecięcy a także dostrzegł istotę podobieństwa między bawiącym się dzieckiem a metrykalnie dorosłym poetą „dzieckiem podszytym” (zachowującym w sobie pamięć własnego dzieciństwa) w twórczym działaniu człowieka pojmowanego jako „homo ludens”.
EN
The term “Cinderella complex” appeared in scholarship devoted to children’s literature mainly because of critics and literary historians who were trying to raise research on this type of writing to the rank of academic discipline, as well as to prevent the patronizing (or even disrespectful) treatment of children’s works by representatives of professional literary studies. One of them was Krystyna Kuliczkowska, who emphasized the combination of the educational content with artistry in books young readers, in the greatest works of this type of literature even the blurring of the border between children’s literature and universal literature addressed primarily to adults. The most comprehensive, coherent, and consistent response to the “Cinderella complex” turned out to be the concept of “great play” proposed by Jerzy Cieślikowski, an idea going beyond the boundaries of traditional literary studies, in an innovative way expanding the research area into the field of cultural studies, anthropology, and folklore. The world of great play became a cultural paradigm in Cieślikowski’s considerations where he placed the most important phenomena and genres of literature addressed to the young reader, making an important distinction between “literature for children” in the traditional meaning of this term, and “children’s literature” created with the child’s view of the world, sense of humor, and sometimes language skills of the child. Thus, in his research Cieślikowski valued children’s folklore and also saw the essence of the similarity between a playful child and a metrical adult – yet “childlike” (preserving the memory of his childhood) – poet in the creative process of a man understood as “homo ludens”.
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