The organization and management of public transportation is one of the most important responsibilities of local authorities. In view of the dynamically changing conditions of modern cities’ transportation policies, actions in this area pose a challenge, involving the standardization of transportation and its adjustment to the transportation needs and expectations of residents not only of individual cities, but of entire metropolitan areas. One of the ways to tailor transportation to the needs of residents is to continuously coordinate on the basis of diagnosis and analysis of residents’ demands. Public transportation passenger councils provide a forum for exchanging views on this issue. In Poland, only the authorities of Warsaw have thus far decided to establish such a body.
Gender equality has progressed a great deal in recent decades in response to modernisation, industrialisation, and the generally rising level of education. A transformation in gender beliefs has accompanied the progress on gender equality and beliefs about gender roles have mainly changed in countries in North America and Europe, while in Muslim and Asian countries they have remained the same. The analysis in this article focuses on civic participation and investigates its relation to equalitarian gender beliefs. Multi-level regression models and data from World Values Survey (WVS) collected from 46 countries in 2005 allow depicting the relationships. The findings show that membership in civic associations covariates with equalitarian gender beliefs, but the sign of the relation depends on the gender and the type of association.
The aim of the article is to analyze the mechanisms of civic participation in Russia. The basic question: is the concept of a citizen redefined today and what potential does grassroots initiative of informal groups have for civil society. Participation is a social innovation in the post-Soviet area. It is difficult to define development prospects. It is a response to the growing need for co-participation in the decisions of executive authorities and an opportunity to increase public trust and democratization of the regime. The mechanism, however, is still underdeveloped. In the future, the priority trend in civic participation in Russia will be the increase in the use of Internet technologies and increasing their reach in the population (portals, e-administration). Co-participation in the transformation of Russia's regions takes place both in the format of cooperation with local government and as part of independent social and cultural initiatives. This allows to create new leaders in Russia. The local potential for the implementation of participatory instruments in the Russian Federation is still very low. The author uses the analytical-descriptive method to study the development of the participation process in the framework of various models used in Russia in this area.
The general aim of the article is to assess the ways residents of Czechia engage in particular types of action in public interest (including attending a public hearing on a local issue, volunteering, donating or signing a petition) and in such action generally. A literature review concludes that the terms engagement and participation tend to be seen as synonymous. In the theory section, predictors of engagement are discussed, amongst which most authors treat education as central. This gives rise to my first hypothesis (H1): Individuals’ civic engagement will be positively influenced by their educational attainment. In contrast, since have been no detailed studies of the relationship between life satisfaction and engagement in Czechia thus far, I formulate H2: There is a relationship between individuals’ life satisfaction and their civic engagement, with more engaged citizens being more satisfied. Secondary analysis of an archived dataset was conducted. The survey took place in February 2014 using face-to-face interviews with Czech citizens aged 18–64 years, who were selected using quota sampling. In addition to region of residence, quotas for age, gender and municipality size were applied. 1903 respondents in compliance with the quotas were invited and 1327 valid interviews were conducted, with a response rate of 70%. Over the past five years, 61% of the respondents engaged in at least one of the actions studied. The highest number of respondents, 45%, donated money; 27% signed a petition; and 25% attended a public hearing. A chi square test revealed that general engagement varied with educational attainment (χ2 = 48.8; df = 5), age, type of economic activity, socioeconomic status, and municipality size. Respondent’s educational attainment is the main differentiating factor of both self-declared general engagement and participation in the different actions studied (H1 confirmed). In particular, college graduates are significantly more engaged than individuals with primary education or secondary education without GCSE. Age is another apparent differentiating factor, whereas respondents in their thirties are significantly more engaged than young people under 24. Mean values of the self-reporting scales indicate that engaged respondents are more satisfied (average satisfaction of 7.3 on a 10-point scale), namely those who reported having taken at least one action in public interest over the past five years. Average satisfaction among those not engaged was 7.1. Although the difference is statistically significant (using a two-sample t-test), basically confirming H2, it cannot be deemed substantive. When respondents were categorized as “dissatisfied” (1–4 points), “neutral” (5–6) and “satisfied” (7–10 points), 50% of the former were engaged, compared to 63% of the latter. Using three-way tables, the effects of the third variables on the relationship were tested, but none of the control variables significantly intervened in the relationship. The differences in satisfaction were larger when looking at the particular actions separately. “Satisfied” respondents were the most likely to engage in all actions except demonstrating or ones categorized as other. The fact that less satisfied individuals were more likely to take action expressing their disagreement (to attend a demonstration) can be viewed as attesting the effect of life satisfaction on civic engagement. Thus, satisfaction positively influenced engagement in “positively” oriented action.
This paper discusses the basic assumptions of Technology Assessment (TA). As an example of TA process the author employs “Together about shale gas” programme (executed in northern Poland). The first two sections briefly outline the Polish context of shale gas extraction and describe what technology assessment is. In the next two chapters the objectives and outline of ‘Together about shale gas’ programme are presented. The author attempts to recognize how many of the TA assumptions are given in the programme and identify its outcomes. The final section examines challenges for the Polish policymakers in the field of technology assessment.
In this article I consider whether the process of individualization inescapably disturbscommunal ties. This is an especially important question when we consider social changesin Central Europe 25 years after the political transformation My deliberation followsthe main ideas of Norbert Elias, presented in The society of individuals. He argued thatthe development of human communities is heading towards integration on human-widelevel community. The question is, how do communal ties change during this process inCentral Europe.
This paper examines the patterns of civic participation among Polish migrants in nine European countries. The study is based on an internet survey (with 5000 respondents) and qualitative research with activists and experts. The paper serves two principal research goals: (1) exploring formal civic participation in NGOs of the country of residence among the post-2004 Polish migrants, and (2) establishing the principal predictors of Polish migrants’ involvement in the host-country NGOs. Our research leads to two principal conclusions. Firstly, the level of civic activity before migration constitutes a crucial factor in predicting the propensity to engage with host-country NGOs after migration. Our results suggest a robust country-of-origin effect on the patterns of civic engagement abroad. Secondly, however, the likelihood of civic participation grows with time, i.e., the higher the length of stay, the higher the propensity to participate, suggesting the socialization process towards the host-country civic norms and away from the country-of-origin legacy.
In this article I consider whether the process of individualization inescapably disturbscommunal ties. This is an especially important question when we consider social changesin Central Europe 25 years after the political transformation My deliberation followsthe main ideas of Norbert Elias, presented in The society of individuals. He argued thatthe development of human communities is heading towards integration on human-widelevel community. The question is, how do communal ties change during this process inCentral Europe.
The challenges of developing an information society in semi-peripheral countries are immersed in a struggle between Westernizing processes and local cultural and social specificity. The expansion of the internet and communication technologies in Poland, a “newcomer” to the European Union, provides an instructive example. This article presents the case of the Polish online landscape as a culturally separate but interrelated with Western socio-cultural space. Although there is a dynamic users’ migration towards global communication tools and social networking sites, high involvement in local e-commerce platforms and information portals remains constant. More interestingly, global internet communication tools facilitate local social needs, attitudes, and motives, resulting in enormous number and strength of social protests expressed online. This analysis is based on the review of the current Polish internet audience research, social studies literature as well as case studies. The article describes some of most vivid challenges facing Polish information society and its social, cultural, economic, and technological determinants.
The development of the participation proposal for French citizens leads us to examine whether state organized participatory democracy hinders socialchange. The taking over of deliberation and participation functions by state and corporate bodies through regulations and initiatives such as participatory devices seems to both stimulate and channel citizen participation in decision making processes. More and more scholars study these institutional devices, criticizing the “procedural tropism” [Mazeaud, 2011] observed in the literature. Indeed, the proceduralization of citizen participation over the last years, embodied in established and standardized devices which are controlled by a public or administrative institution, is of great social significance. Those standardized forms of debate, conceived in a top down approach by state and public bodies are also becoming compulsory in different fields of public action. Environmental law recent developments in France for instance are increasingly calling for citizens’ inclusion, as well as urban planning. This institutionalization process produces at least two main types of consequences. According to Fourniau and Blondiaux [2011] it “coincides first of all with a renunciation of a large-scale social change”. These participative settings multiply and are often localized and time limited. They are aimed at what Fung [2003] calls the “mini public”. They do not allow sufficiently broad and concrete deliberative structures which enable real citizen expression. At the same time proceduralization usually gives control over participation to the authorities who organize it. The way in which they frame power, stage public meetings and animation choices reduces the margin of uncertainty which maintains openness and freedom of speech at debates. We have already highlighted this institutional issue and its political consequences for public debate [Revel, 2007]. Can we suggest that the shape of the participatory devices contributes to defining the form of justifiable public participation? The opposing argument about public debate proposed by Mermet [2007] lies in between “wild democracy” and “bred democracy”.
PL
Rozwój projektu obywatelskiej partycypacji we Francji prowadzi do zbadania znanego z literatury „tropizmu proceduralnego” [Mazaud, 2011]. Proceduralizacja obywatelskiego uczestnictwa urzeczywist niana za pośrednictwem ustalonych i st andardowych pomysłów, kontro lowana pr zez publiczne lub administr acyjne instytucje, jest w ost atnich latach najważniejszym faktem społecznym. Celem tego artykułu jest ocena widocznych efektów instytucjonalizacji i proceduralizacji partycypacji obywatelskiej w publicznej akcji we Francji. Proces instytucjonalizacji powoduje co najmniej dwa rodzaje skutków. Wg Fourniau i Blondiaux [2011] przede wszystkim ona „współgra z pojawieniem się zmiany społecznej o szerokiej skali”. Przejawy partycypacji są często lokalizowane w ograniczonym czasie. Fung [2003] nazywa je „mini public”. Nie prowadzą do szerokiej deliberacji i do konkretnej formy, pozwalającej na rzetelną ekspresję obywateli. Do innych skutków należy to, że proceduralizacja zazwyczaj umożliwia kontrolowanie partycypacji przez władze. Ich siła, spotkania publiczne i sposoby działania redukują marg ines niepewności, co prowadzi do utrzymania otwartej debaty i wolności słowa. W ten sposób podkreślono wagę instytucjonalizacji i jej polityczne skutki dla debaty publicznej [Revel, 2007]. Czy możemy sądzić, że kształt projektu partycypacji przyczynia się do zdefiniowania publiczności i form partycypacji? Mermet [2007] zaproponował określenie debaty publicznej jako opozycji między „dziką” (spontaniczną) demokracją i „bred” (konstruowaną) demokracją.
Liberalism and republicanism constitute two major concepts of civic participation, both in the historical and the socio-philosophical meaning. The first one is questioned because of its individualistic vision of citizenship leading to impairment of community ideas and values, responsibility and motivation to engage in actions promoting the common good and decay of social bonds. The republican pattern of civic participation is a correction of this concept, putting emphasis on the value and meaning of communal forms of social life as well as on civil education. The article characterizes and compares both patterns of civic involvement in socio-political life, emphasizing differences and simplifications occurring between particular orientations of both republican and liberal concepts. Moreover, the article aims at interpreting main ideas constituting the republican idea, such as: freedom, equality, community, common good and solidarity.
An evolutionary perspective can be applied to the analysis of cultural phenomena to describe how inheritance mechanisms can account for the development of cultural traits in a given environment. This paper aims to describe the psychosocial functioning of the political system from this perspective, focusing on the role of politicians as cultural selectors. As they are in charge of legislation, politicians have a key role in steering the evolution of cultural norms. In particular they play a leading part in determining access to traditional forms of participation, such as parties. We interviewed a panel of political experts to explore the selective mechanisms shaping the Italian political system. The results show that co-option is the main method of selecting new members for parties, with the aim of keeping power within well-established structures. The specific features of the Italian political environment explain its decreasing ability to attract young activists.
This analysis is about condition of the civil society in Russia. The article raises issues specifics of the operation of selected non-governmental organizations in the Russian Federation, which under the Act of 20 July 2012 have been recognized in Russia as „foreign agents”. At the beginning the author outlines the specific functioning of the whole of the third sector in Russia, then to show the changes that brought this Act. The author analyzes the legal status of these organizations and presents the political consequences of this law. The general thesis of the article is that Putin’s policies since 2012 led to the inhibition the development of civil society in Russia.
Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje kwestie społecznego kontekstu edukacji człowieka dorosłego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem doświadczeń nabywanych w procesie partycypacji obywatelskiej. Za jedno z narządzi wspierających aktywność obywatelską uznać można budżet partycypacyjny, który w artykule łączę z partycypacyjnym wymiarem kształtowania lokalnych polityk publicznych. Charakteryzując ideę budżetu partycypacyjnego oraz jego realizację na przykładzie Krakowa, staram się ukazać edukacyjny wymiar tego narzędzia.
EN
This article is connecting with the social context of adult education, with special accent of the education experience acquired in the process of civic participation. As one of the instrument that supports civic activity, can be regarded the participatory budgeting. I want to describe the idea of participatory budgeting, and its implementation on the example of Krakow. I try to answer the questions, of the educational meaning of this instrument.
Celem artykułu było ukazanie partycypacji obywatelskiej młodzieży w opinii pracowników instytucji działających na terenie 5 polskich gmin: Dzierzgoń, Elbląg, Gdynia, Iława i Nowe Miasto Lubawskie i litewskiej gminy Teslai. W ramach projektu SB YCGN przeprowadzono badanie metodą sondażu diagnostycznego z wykorzystaniem techniki ankiety internetowej na 118 respondentach z 53 polskich instytucji i 47 respondentach z 10 litewskich instytucji. Na podstawie wyników badań ilościowych potwierdzono hipotezę: podobieństwa w zakresie poziomu partycypacji obywatelskiej młodzieży, barier, potrzeb i efektywnych metod działania w badanych gminach z Polski i Litwy determinują potrzebę zacieśniania współpracy transgranicznej.
EN
The aim of the paper was to show youth civic participation in the opinion of employees of institutions operating in 5 Polish municipalities: Dzierzgoń, Elbląg, Gdynia, Iława and Nowe Miasto Lubawskie and the Lithuanian municipality of Teslai. Within the SB YCGN project, a diagnostic survey was conducted using an online survey technique on 118 respondents from 53 Polish institutions and 47 respondents from 10 Lithuanian institutions.. Based on the results of quantitative research, the hypothesis was confirmed: similarities in the level of civic participation of young people, barriers, needs and effective methods of operation in the analysed communes from Poland and Lithuania determine the need to strengthen cross-border cooperation.
In the Constitution of 1995, Kazakhstan, like other Central Asian states, declared that the two forms by which the nation can exercise power (direct and representative) are equal. However, the restrictions stipulated in the constitutional law significantly narrowed the scope of referenda. Only the president of Kazakhstan has the right to call a referendum, which means that citizens can only apply to the head of state for a referendum to be held. In the political practice of Kazakhstan since 1995 (when the current Constitution was adopted) citizens have not had an opportunity to take part in a referendum. Any motions submitted were rejected by the head of state. Therefore, the potential of referenda remains dormant, not used in the process of advancing democratization of the country.
PL
Kazachstan w Konstytucji z 1995 roku uznał, podobnie jak inne państwa Azji Centralnej, równorzędność dwóch postaci sprawowania władzy przez naród (bezpośredniej i przedstawicielskiej). Jednakże ograniczenia wprowadzone ustawą konstytucyjną znacząco zawęziły zakres przedmiotowy referendum. Prawo zarządzenia referendum ma tylko prezydent Kazachstanu, co powoduje, że obywatele mogą jedynie występować do głowy państwa o przeprowadzenie ogólnokazachstańskiego referendum. W praktyce ustrojowej Kazachstanu od 1995 roku (przyjęcie obecnej Konstytucji) obywatele nie mieli okazji wziąć udziału w referendum. Pojawiające się wnioski były odrzucane przez głowę państwa. Wobec tego w Kazachstanie potencjał instytucji referendum pozostaje w uśpieniu, niewykorzystywany w procesie postępującej demokratyzacji tego kraju.
Głównym celem artykułu jest próba przyjrzenia się poziomowi partycypacji obywatelskiej w odniesieniu do możliwości partycypacyjnych oferowanych przez Urząd Miasta Łodzi. Partycypacja obywatelska rozpatrywana jest w odniesieniu do dwóch wybranych kategorii z klasycznej propozycji Lang- tona, a mianowicie angażowania obywateli oraz partycypacji wyborczej. Jednocześnie w artykule przyjęto założenie, że partycypację obywatelską można rozpatrywać w ramach relacji możliwości–chęci. Przy tym za możliwości należy uznać ofertę partycypacyjną władz miasta, a za chęci poziom uczestnictwa mieszkańców w proponowanych przez miejskich decydentów inicjatywach. Powyżej opisane aspekty rozpatrywane będą w odniesieniu do Łodzi oraz doświadczeń wynikających z wprowadzenia w tym mieście mechanizmu partycypacyjnego w postaci budżetu obywatelskiego.
EN
The main goal of the article is an attempt to look closer at the level of civic participation particularly with reference to participatory opportunities offered by the Municipal Council in Lodz. The civic participation will be considered in relation to two selected categories of Langton’s proposals: public involvement and electoral participation (divided into four categories: public action, public involvement, electoral participation and obligatory participation). Moreover, the author of the articles assumes that civic participation can be considered in the context of relationship: participatory opportunities–willingness to participate. The participatory opportunities is to be understood as the participatory offers of Municipal Council (for instance: public consultation organized by the city authorities). The willingness is to be understood as the level of attendance in the city authorities’ initiatives. The above-described aspects will be considered in relation to Lodz and to the city’s experience of implementing participatory budgeting.
Polityka inwestycyjna jest kołem zamachowym transformacji miast. Jej waga jest istotna, zarówno w ujęciu codziennych warunków życia mieszkańców, jak i w znaczeniu długofalowych rezultatów podejmowanych decyzji. Głos mieszkańców na temat inwestycji w miastach powinien mieć szczególną wartość. Celem artykułu jest analiza i ocena stopnia uspołecznienia polityki inwestycyjnej wszystkich 71 miast województwa śląskiego. W opisie zastosowano modelowe ujęcia partycypacji mieszkańców: asymetryczne, opiniodawczo-konsultacyjne i symetryczne. Miasta przypisano do modeli na podstawie wyników badań ankietowych poprzedzonych studiami literaturowymi. Przeprowadzona analiza ukazuje, że mechanizm uspołecznienia nabiera znaczenia w śląskich samorządach terytorialnych, choć jednocześnie obserwuje się ciągłe niedostatki aktywizacji mieszkańców w polityce inwestycyjnej miast.
EN
Investment policy is a driving force in the transformation of cities. It plays a significant role both in terms of daily living conditions and in the long-term consequences of decisions that are taken. The residents’ opinions about the investment policy should be accorded a special value. The aim of this paper is to analyse and estimate the scale of empowerment of the investment policy of all 71 cities of the Śląskie Voivodeship. Three models of residents’ participation are used in the paper: symmetric, consultative and asymmetric. The questionnaire survey and desk research form the basis for assigning cities to the proposed models. The analysis reveals that the mechanism of empowerment is becoming more and more important for Silesian local governments, although residents’ involvement in urban investment policies is still far from satisfactory.
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