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EN
The result of the military, political and economic activity of the Huns in Europe was the depopulation of vast areas, massive ethnic changes, and the destruction of many previous political organisms. The question arises as to why they were so successful. They had knowledge and skills that were alien to the European civilization of that time but perfectly known among the nomadic population of Central Asia and China. Therefore, their activity can be seen as a confrontation of different cultural models. In this sense, it was a clash of civilizations – almost in a sense proposed by S. Huntington.
FR
Au début du XXIe siècle, Yasmina Khadra (pseudonyme littéraire de l’écrivain algérien Mohammed Moulessehoul) a publié une série de romans sur les régions conflictuelles du monde contemporain, connue sous le nom de la trilogie du grand malentendu1. Dans Les hirondelles de Kaboul, L’attentat et Les sirènes de Bagdad, il a décrit les conditions propices au déclenchement de la violence et a analysé le phénomène du choc des cultures vécu par le monde arabo-musulman et l’Occident.
EN
Universal human rights and particular cultural identities, which are relativistic by nature, seem to stand in conflict with each other. It is commonly suggested that the relativistic natures of cultural identities undermine universal human rights and that human rights might compromise particular cultural identities in a globalised world. This article examines this supposed clash and suggests that it is possible to frame a human rights approach in such a way that it becomes the starting point and constraining framework for all non-deficient cultural identities. In other words, it is possible to depict human rights in a culturally sensitive way so that universal human rights can meet the demands of a moderate version of meta-ethical relativism which acknowledges a small universal core of objectively true or false moral statements and avers that, beyond that small core, all other moral statements are neither objectively true nor false.
EN
The migration crisis that followed the outbreak of the war in Syria and the German openness policy (Willkommenskultur) – which has triggered somewhat critical opinions in Polish right-wing periodicals – is a good opportunity to examine the term ‘interculturality’. As early as the beginning of the 1980s, German academic circles attempted a redefinition of ‘philology’ (language studies) giving rise to ‘intercultural German studies’, associated with its most famous advocate, Alois Wierlacher. One of the premises involved going beyond Eurocentrism and abandoning traditional hermeneutics applied in traditional German humanities (Geistesgeschichte) in favor of what has come to be named the ‘hermeneutics of strangeness’ (Hermeneutik der Fremde). German literature was supposed to open to new interpretations made from the point of view of remote cultures. Much more profound changes were proposed as a consequence of the ‘cultural turn’ and taking into account the post-colonial perspective, associated with such researchers as E. Said and H.K. Bhabha. Accordingly, German studies were supposed to be given up in favor of intercultural literature studies or the trend known as ‘world literature’. Even after September 11, 2001, this conceptual and institutional development appeared to have completely ignored the diagnosis S.P. Huntington presented in 1993 as ‘the clash of civilizations.’ The ideas formulated by Botho Strauß provide a counterpoint to the German postulates of the anthropologization of the West. Given the clash of civilizations and the migration crisis, his diagnosis is extremely pessimistic: German society and culture will not survive having become separated from traditional values. A thorough perusal of his essays demonstrates the fact that academic models do not provide adequate descriptions of reality and they are actually destructive for Western societies.
PL
The article attempts to relate one of the theses of Samuel P. Huntington’s famous The Clash of Civilizations to the socio-political reality of contemporary East Central Europe. The question is to what extent the so-called civilizational fault line – the line separating the zones of western and eastern Christianity – explains the socio-political processes taking place in this part of the continent, on either side of the line. Citing a number of conditions – in Lithuania in the north to Greece in the south – the author argues that Huntington’s metaphor has limited explanatory value. He draws particular attention to the shifts that have occurred in the course of the fault line since the mid-1990s (when Huntington’s book was published), the heterogeneity of socio-political relations on either side, and the civilizational borderland created around it.
EN
In the wake of the September 11 attacks, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, co-sponsored by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, founded the Alliance of Civilizations – an international organization aimed at bridging cultural gaps and preventing future conflicts between the West and the Muslim world. The idea was officially accepted by Kofi Annan and sponsored by United Nations in 2005. Turkish co-sponsorship was both symbolically and factually valuable, and constituted a strong political signal. The paper aims to present the main ideas for an Alliance of Civilizations, its objective, scope and activities with specific attention to Turkey as a unique country playing a symbolic role between Islamic world and the West.
PL
W następstwie ataków z dnia 11 września, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, wspierany przez Recepa Tayyipa Erdogana, założył Sojusz Cywilizacji – międzynarodową organizację mającą na celu zmniejszanie różnic kulturowych i przeciwdziałanie przyszłym konfliktom pomiędzy Zachodem a Muzułmanami. Pomysł założycielski został oficjalnie zatwierdzony przez Kofiego Annana i wsparty przez ONZ w 2005 roku. Tureckie poparcie miało wartość zarówno symboliczną jak i rzeczywistą, i było silnym sygnałem politycznym. Praca ta ma na celu przedstawienie głównych założeń Sojuszu Cywilizacji, jej celów, skali i zakresu działań ze szególnym uwzględnieniem Turcji, jako wyjątkowego państwa odgrywającego symboliczną rolę w relacjach świata Islamskiego z Zachodem.
EN
Aryans and Turanians. Franciszek H. Duchiński’s views on race and civilization The article deals with a theory of non-Slavic origins of Russians. This theory was authored by Franciszek Duchinski (1816-1893) who claimed that civilizational specifity of Russians stems from their racial origin that is different from the origin of the remaining European nations. He believed that because of this fact, two opposing civilizations emerged: the eastern civilization created by the Mongolian root, with a lack of rule of law and domination of despotism, and the western civilization existing among the Indoeuropean peoples who respected freedom and human dignity. Duchinski was convinced that the two civilization differed one from another most of all due to several external and mental factors instead of biological discrepancies. He did not evaluate races and civilizations as better or worse, and he did not giva a definion of the notion of race. This unprecise attitude was characteristic of the 19th century writings. Such notions as “race”, “nation”, “tribe”, or “clan”, were used interchangeably. Moreover, racial hierarchy was not considered as something improper.Duchinski’s views on the Asian despotism on the whole agreed with those abiding in the Polish writings in the 19th century, with dominating opinions that Russia and Europe represented different civilizations and were in a permanent antagonism. Duchinski’s aim was to warn Western European community that East is a threat to the West and he wanted to demonstrate that Poland had a role to play for the Latin Christianity.His conclusions about the antynomy of civilizations are still valid even though today we tend to deny that race and civilization are interconnected. Now civilizational identity is seen first of all in a variety of different values, beliefs, institutions and social structures. Thus, one should agree with Duchinski that civilizations are indeed different but we still should avoid to evaluate them as better or worse. Ariowie i Turańczycy. Poglądy Franciszka H. Duchińskiego na temat rasy i cywilizacjiTekst jest poświęcony teorii niesłowiańskiego pochodzenia Rosjan. Jej autor, Franciszek H. Duchiński (1816-1893), uzasadniał odmienność cywilizacyjną Rosjan ich innym od pozostałych ludów Europy pochodzeniem rasowym. Ono, jak uważał, zadecydowało o powstaniu funkcjonujących w opozycji dwóch cywilizacji: wschodniej, stworzonej poprzez pierwiastek mongolski, gdzie dominowało bezprawie i despotyzm, oraz zachodniej, powstałej jako wytwór ludów indoeuropejskich, które respektowały wolność i godność człowieka. Duchiński uzasadniał różnice między nimi w większym stopniu czynnikami zewnętrznymi i mentalnymi niż biologicznymi. Nie wartościował ras i cywilizacji, a pojęcia „rasa” nie definiował. Brak ścisłości w tym względzie był charakterystyczny dla XIX-wiecznego piśmiennictwa. Często stosowano zamiennie pojęcia „rasa”, „naród”, „plemię”, „szczep”. Nie uważano też za naganne hierarchizowania ras.Opinie Duchińskiego na temat azjatyckiej despotii nie odbiegały od powszechnie przyjętych w piśmiennictwie polskim XIX w. Dominujący w nim wątek stanowiło przekonanie o odmienności cywilizacyjnej Rosji i Europy i o trwałym pomiędzy nimi antagonizmie. Działalność Duchińskiego miała służyć uświadomieniu opinii zachodnioeuropejskiej zagrożenia jakie płynęło dla Europy ze strony cywilizacji wschodniej oraz roli Polski na przedmurzu chrześcijaństwa łacińskiego.Spostrzeżenia na temat antynomii wspomnianych cywilizacji są i dziś aktualne. Współcześni badacze problemu przeczą rzecz jasna związkom pomiędzy rasą i cywilizacją. Kładą za to nacisk na różnice w sferze wartości, wierzeń, instytucji i struktur społecznych, które decydują o tożsamości cywilizacyjnej. O ile więc można nie godzić się z argumentacją Duchińskiego, to w sferze wniosków należy autorowi przyznać rację i nie wartościując cywilizacji uznać je za odmienne.
EN
I argue that it is through an integrative dialogue based on the Ijing (Book of Chang-es) model of cooperative and cyclical change rather than a Marxist or neo-Marxist dia-lectical model of change based upon the Hegelian model of conflict and replacement that promises the greatest possibility of peaceful coexistence.1 As a case study of a dia-logue between civilizations, I utilize both a mythical and an historical encounter betwe-en Martin Buber, representing the West, and Zhuangzi, representing the East. I show that despite the vast temporal, historic, linguistic and cultural differences, that the dialo-gue between Zhuangzi and Buber is complementary and not adversarial.
RU
статье рассматривается взаимосвязь между возникновением ограниченных международных конфликтов и стремлением государств реализовать собственные геополитические интересы. В качестве ключевого фактора возникновения конфликтов рассматривается концепция межцивилизационного столкновения Сэмюэля Хантингтона, где роль государств при формировании международной системы отношений является спусковым механизмом для принятия решений, в том числе, предполагающих игнорирование принципов международного права. Автор отстаивает точку зрения, что Россия в современных условиях также реализует свои интересы, что не должно восприниматься другие акторами международный отношений как угроза, а как конкуренция.
EN
The article discusses the relationship between the occurrence of international conflicts and the desire of states to implement their own geopolitical interests. The key factor in the emergence of conflicts is the concept of an inter-civilization clash by Samuel Huntington, where the role of states in the formation of the international system is the trigger for decision-making. The author states that in modern conditions Russia defends its interests, which should not be perceived by other actors of international relations as a threat, but as competition.
PL
Arytkuł prezentuje zależności między eskalacją konfliktów międzynarodowych i dążeniem państw do realizacji własnych interesów geopolitycznych. W roli kluczowego czynnika pojawienia się konfliktów rozpatrywana jest koncepcja zderzenia cywilizacji Samuela Huntingtona. W koncepcji tej istotna jest rola państw w kreowaniu systemu międzynarodowego, stanowiąca czynnik wyzwalający proces decyzyjny. Autor stoi na stanowisku, że współcześna Rosja broni swoich interesów, co nie powinno być odbierane przez pozostałych aktorów stosunków międzynarodowych jako zagrożenie, a przejaw rywalizacji.
EN
The study presents various factors which obstacles adequate description and analysis of Chinese realities in Western scholarly literature. The first factor presented in the article is the psychological mechanism of a “mirror”. As Lynn T. White suggested, since the 17th century, that Westerners look at China not through a ‘window’ but through a ‘mirror’, in which their own fears or most treasured ideals are refl ected, not China itself. Hence their descriptions of China refl ect first of all their state of mind. Peter Hays Gries and Stanley Rosen add to this metaphor another one, that of a procrustean bed. According to these authors, contemporary Western scholars procede like ancient Procrustes who made his captives fit his bed cutting their too long limbs or stretching these too short, in order to adapt Chinese realities to the Western schemes. Sebastian Heilmann and Matthias Stepan in order to explain Western mistaken views of China and expectations presented six wrong assumptions concerning developments in China. Their list is controversial, but it is true that on the Western side there are numerous wrong assumptions concerning China and other Asian states. Thus the Chinese realities are described in a wrong way, and the predictions of future developments are also false. The Author put an emphasis on scientific categories and terms elaborated in Europe and the States and considered “universal”, which, however, are not adequate to the Chinese realities. Hence their use results in falsification of descriptions and makes previsions based on them – groundless. He distinguishes two essential kinds of categories and terms borrowed from the West but inadequate to the Chinese realities. The first constitutes the terms which significance does not fit to the Chinese realities, as “language”, “religion”, historical epochs such as “antiquity”, “,Middle Ages”, etc. The second constitutes the terms which meanings involve cultural values. Many of them are difficult to translate into Chinese and they acquire different meanings in the context of Confucian heritage. The Author analyses from this perspective: “human rights”, “democracy” and “freedom”. Western scholars are also often mislead by Chinese sources. The study indicates another factor, which facilitates great misunderstandings. According to the cultural norm of the Confucian civilisation there is a “proper façade” presented in public, behind which there are hidden “internal realities”. Of course, such differences could be detected in each culture, but in highly ritualistic Confucian civilisation this distinction is essential, and both parts constitute “complex realities”, whereas Westerners presume that the façade constitutes a whole and complete reality. The Author presents as an example centralised, unitary Leninist state in Chin that is – in his opinion merely a false “public image”, whereas in reality there operate more or less innumerable quite autonomous units, which in fact are not subordinate. Under such circumstances all decisions must be consulted and negotiated among them, like in a federal system, although it does not operate formally. The Westerners also misleads themselves considering their peculiar civilisation as “universal”, whereas there are various civilisations, which will not amalgamate during the modernisation processes. Hence various societies function and change in their own ways, different from the western schemes and expectations. The study indicates that the West still predominates and presents its civilisation as universal. However, its predomination faces growing resistance and numerous scholars recognise the existence of numerous civilisations, which will also develop in the future. The author enumerates the most significant concepts such as “dialogue among civilisations and cultures” adopted by the United Nations in 1989, Huntington’s warning against imposing western norms on other civilisations, which may result in their ‘clashes’, the concept of the Axial Age, of Multiple Modernities, and so on. The road to an equal status of all civilisations is long and tortuous. The elaboration of universal scientific categories and principles is even more difficult, and it is, perhaps, a task for future generations of Asian scholars.
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