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EN
The study recalls an unknown statement by Maurycy Jaroszyński from the time of the war, containing an analysis of the government of 1926–1939. This opinion is critical, and its justification shows the incompatibility of the then legal system of the state with the processes of actual governing and administration at the time. The formulated assessments are accurate and competent due to their authorship — a professor of law and a pro-state and self-government activist. The systemic thought contained there can be considered timeless. It is also valid in current conditions. It should be a contribution to a deeper reflection on the affairs of the state system and administration.
EN
The aim of the article is to define a rule of law for a proper functioning of the state, especially in the context of the provision of legal freedoms and guarantees to constitutional units. The determination of the was presented consequences of a breach of the rule of law which governs the complex acquis. The study will consist of attempts to define the rule of law, starting from the scope of this rule, on the basis of a doctrinal interpretation. This rule based on the Constitution of the Republic of Poland as well as on the Judgments Constitutional Court of the Republic of Poland. The specificity of the functioning of the European Union system requires to consider in this context the relationship between national and EU law on the regulation of the rule of law at the Community level. For the topic addressed, it is equally important to refer to the mechanisms provided by EU law to enforce Member States to respect common principles and values. The method used to implement the previously articulated objectives legal text interpretation.
EN
The formation of the political and legal system of New Zealand was particularly infl uenced by the British constitutional practice. As the years passed, the state has departed from certain assumptions of the Westminster model, also adopting elements of other government concepts and politics. In the process of adaptation of the New Zealand political system to the changing political and legal conditions, the parliament primarily evolved. Since its establishment to the present, its structure, composition and functions have been fundamentally transformed. With the abolition of the parliamentary chamber in 1950, the existent bicameral model was transformed into a unicameral one. So far the most radical constitutional change in New Zealand has been so the introduction of a mixed electoral system in 1993. This resulted in the adoption of a completely different way of creating a legislative body; in consequence, innovative means of appointing the government and exercising the oversight function by the parliament emerged.
EN
This paper aims at clarifying the report between the President and the Constitutional Court. If we take as a starting point the constitutional mandate of these two institutions it follows that their final mission is the same, i.e., the protection and safeguarding of the constitutional system. This paper, thus, will clarify the key points in which this report is expressed. Further, this paper examines the theoretical aspects of the report between the President and the Constitutional Court, starting from the debate over this issue between Karl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen. An important part of the paper will examine the Constitution of Kosovo, i.e., the contents of the constitutional norm and its application. The analysis focuses on the role such report between the two institutions has on the functioning of the constitutional system. In analyzing the case of Kosovo, this paper examines Constitutional Court cases in which the report between the President and the Constitutional Court has been an issue of review. Such cases assist us in clarifying the main theme of this paper. Therefore, the reader will be able to understand the key elements of the report between the President as a representative of the unity of the people on the one hand and the Constitutional Court as a guarantor of constitutionality on the other hand.
EN
The theme it is extremely important and relevant issue since financing of benefits in the majority of pension schemes is based on the solidarity between generations. Of special significance is the fact, that the current pension benefits are financed from the current pension fund. According to the current Constitution of the Republic of Poland (adopted on 2 April 1997) the Article 2 states that “The Republic of Poland shall be a democratic state ruled by law and implementing the principles of social justice”. The Article 67 declares that every citizen shall have the right to social security whenever having attained retirement age. The pension systems play a significant role in life of an every person. First of all, they not only provide and guarantee the Financial sources to someone who is retired but also protect the dignity of a man of an advanced age. For the majority of senior citizens the pension funds ensure the only means of living because just few retired people are able to support themselves by renting apartments or selling antiques. The immutability and stability of the social security law is very important. Everyone who undertakes any work shall know in advance when and on what principles they can retire retired but also protect the dignity of a man of an advanced age. For the majority of senior citizens the pension funds ensure the only means of living because just few retired people are able to support themselves by renting apartments or selling antiques. The immutability and stability of the social security law is very important. Everyone who undertakes any work shall know in advance when and on what principles they can retire.
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Referat Recenzyjny — 20 Lat „Przeglądu Sejmowego"

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EN
The article provides an evaluation of scientific studies and other papers contained in “Przegląd Sejmowy” during the two-decade period of its publishing. The review gives special attention to the last five years, as in the previous period the journal was regularly peer reviewed. Reference to previous reviews form the basis for evaluation of the development of content of “Przegląd Sejmowy” and its editorial policy. This allows us to notice a predominance of parliamentary and constitutional issues and a high level of interest in constitutional and political systems existing in other countries, especially Western democracies, from which good practices and policies can be used for the development of a democratic political system in Poland. Their experiences are valuable not only to scholars, but also to parliamentarians. The journal is highly recognised for its scientific level. Moreover, a wide range of documents (such as legal opinions) and source materials published in the journal also increases its usefulness for legal practitioners.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest instytucja maltańskiego Lidera Opozycji, który w odróżnieniu od swojego brytyjskiego odpowiednika nie spotkał się z szerszym zainteresowaniem badaczy systemów politycznych. W tekście podjęto się analizy rozwiązań konstytucyjnych z wykorzystaniem metody instytucjonalno-prawnej (i w ograniczonym zakresie ich ewolucji od 1921 r.), przeanalizowano praktyczny wymiar przepisów z odwołaniem do kryzysu politycznego z 2020 r. oraz sformułowano rekomendacje w zakresie zmiany przepisów konstytucyjnych, które umożliwiłyby upodmiotowienie Lidera Opozycji oraz odpartyjnienie nominacji do najważniejszych organów państwa maltańskiego. W ramach podsumowania zwrócono uwagę na: (1) stosunkowo dużą szczegółowość rozwiązań dotyczących wyznaczania Lidera Opozycji przez Prezydenta, co jednak nie uchroniło systemu maltańskiego przed kryzysem z 2020 r. (2) bardzo nieefektywny mechanizm powoływania określonych w konstytucji osób z udziałem Lidera Opozycji (3) bardzo ograniczony katalog spraw, w których Lider Opozycji współuczestniczy w mechanizmach decyzyjnych ważnych dla interesu państwa.
EN
The subject of the article is the institution of the Maltese Leader of the Opposition. Using the institutional and legal method, the Author analyzes constitutional solutions (and, to a limited extent, their evolution since 1921), the practical use of provisions with reference to the political crisis of 2020 and recommendations for changing provisions that would enable the empowerment of the Opposition Leader and making the nominations to the most important organs of the Maltese state less partisan. As part of the summary, the Author points out: the relatively high level of detail in the solutions regarding the appointment of the Opposition Leader by the President, which, however, did not protect the Maltese system from the 2020 crisis; a very ineffective mechanism for appointing persons specified in the constitution with the participation of the Opposition Leader; a very limited catalog of matters in which the Opposition Leader participates in decision-making mechanisms.
EN
The process of changing the Constitution of March 17, 1921 was launched in the Sejm of the 2nd term on 31 October 1928. On that day, Walery Sławek, president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR), proposed that the Board adopted a resolution to initiate the revision of the basic law. This issue has become the subject of the debate, first, at the Constitutional Committee (November–December 1928) and, then, in the plenary session of the Sejm (January 1929). During this period, the Deputies discussed and voted the procedures for the intended reform of the system of government. The decisions taken have acted as a catalyst for further legislative work. As a consequence, on 6 February 1929., BBWR submitted to the Sejm a draft revision of the March Constitution. The solutions contained therein, even if important, did not affect the basic mechanisms of creation of the Sejm and the Senate. Their scope and extent were limited, and the changes proposed point by point. The criticized principle of equal suffrage has not been deconstitutionalized. The concept of completing the composition of the Senate with the President’s appointees increased the ability to influence the functioning of parliament by the executive branch. However, in the face of radical proposals formulated by the Sanacja in the summer of 1928, it only partly realized the expectations then articulated. This fact confirms the assumption that the rationalization of the system of elections to representative bodies, as opposed to the issue of strengthening political institutions forming the executive, has not been a BBWR’s priority.
EN
The subject of this article is the question of the outline of Afghanistan’s constitutional system during the operation of the 2004 constitution. The author attempts to assess the extent to which the solutions adopted by the constitution-maker resulted from the tradition of Afghan constitutionalism, and to what extent they were the result of the influence of Western constitutionalism.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest kwestia zarysu systemu konstytucyjnego Afganistanu w okresie funkcjonowania konstytucji z 2004 roku. Autor podejmuje się próby oceny, na ile rozwiązania przyjęte przez ustrojodawcę wypływały z tradycji konstytucjonalizmu afgańskiego, a na ile stanowiły rezultat wpływu konstytucjonalizmu zachodniego.
11
51%
PL
Streszczenie Republika Nauru jest wyspiarskim państwem położonym w południowo-zachodniej części Oceanu Spokojnego na wyspie o tej samej nazwie. Nauru uzyskało niepodległość 31 stycznia 1968 r., w tym dniu weszła w życie konstytucja. Systematyka ogólna konstytucji jest typowa dla współczesnych konstytucji państw demokratycznych, opierając ustrój państwa na takich zasadach, jak zasada niepodległości, zasada republikańskiej formy rządów, zasada nadrzędności konstytucji w systemie źródeł prawa czy też zasada podziału władzy. Państwo to zasługuje na uwagę z kilku powodów. Po pierwsze, Nauru jest najmniejszą republiką świata, która jako jedyna nie posiada oficjalnej stolicy. Po drugie, w wyborach parlamentarnych stosowany jest system wyborczy Dowdall, będący zmodyfikowaną wersją systemu Borda, w teorii prawa wyborczego niejednokrotnie uznawany za system idealny, który w wyborach ogólnokrajowych nie jest stosowany nigdzie indziej na świecie. Z drugiej strony, Nauru jest przykładem państwa, które w ciągu stu lat doprowadzone zostało do ekologicznej degradacji na skutek działalności człowieka polegającej na wydobywaniu fosforytów i obecnie stoi na skraju bankructwa.
EN
The Republic of Nauru is an island country located in the south-western Pacific Ocean on the island of the same name. Nauru gained independence on 31 January 1968 and on the same day a new constitution came into force. The constitution of Nauru is similar to typical constitutions of modern democratic states, providing that the political system of Nauru should be based on such principles as independence, the republican form of government, the supremacy of the Constitution in the system of law, or the separation of powers. Nauru is an interesting country to research for several reasons. Firstly, Nauru is the smallest republic in the world and as the only state it does not have an official capital. Secondly, in parliamentary elections the Dowdall electoral system is used, which is a modified version of the Borda system considered to be an ideal electoral system in the theory of electoral law, which in national elections is not used anywhere else in the world. On the other hand, Nauru is an example of a state which has been brought from a paradise to an ecological degradation due to human activities involving the mining of phosphates and now it stands on the verge of bankruptcy.
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