The aim of the study is to show on specific examples the evolution of mutual relations between Poland and the Democratic German Republic in a period of deepening economic crisis in Poland followed by an explosion of freedom connected with the strikes in August 1980 and the rise of a trade union movement independent of the United Polish Workers’ Party. According to the official propaganda, the correct relations between Poland and the GDR in the 1970s, deteriorated significantly with the growing economic crisis and the upsurge of independent initiatives in Polish society. The mistreatment of Poles by the GDR authorities took place even before the strikes of August 1980 and the birth of Solidarity. The emergence of the independent trade union movement in Poland caused the GDR authorities to close the border, preventing the transfer of these trends to their own territory. Not only were Poles denied entry to the GDR, but measures were also taken to dismiss Polish workers from German factories. The GDR authorities also pressured Warsaw to clean up and crack down on counterrevolution. Deterioration in relations between Poland and the GDR became apparent for citizens wishing to travel through German territory. Tourists from Poland were subjected to various forms of harassment aimed at effectively discouraging them from making such trips. Interestingly, Warsaw was surprised by the new policy of the GDR authorities and presented a different view of the situation than the German state. Attempts to force the change did not, however, bring positive results. The problem of border traffic disappeared after the introduction of martial law in Poland. The study mostly uses the historical method, but the inductive method was also employed. The problematic of the relations between Poland and the GDR is not very rich and the crucial processes have already been described. That is why the present paper does not repeat previous opinions, focusing on the identification and description of specific cases.
On 16 November 1918 the bicameral National Assembly terminated its activity, but the new legislative body was not able to take up its role until the beginning of 1920. The two-year functioning of the unicameral National Assembly was marked by certain duplicity. On the one hand, a certain democratization process was taking place, apparent as regards strengthening and expanding parliamentary functions. On the other hand, as a result of unstable party structures and political rivalry dominating the activity of the National Assembly, the discussed institution was incapable of creating a stable system of governance, which left considerable leeway for Prime Minister István Bethlen.
The article focuses on the history of autonomous social movements in post-war Italy, whose activity was to a large extent contemporaneous with the infamous “years of lead”. In chronological sequence, the article moves from the birth of operaismo and the autonomous workers’ movement through the beginnings of the students’ movement and operaist feminism, and finishes with the history of the radical autonomous movements of the 1970s. This history is reconstructed from the perspective of contemporary Italian political philosophy, which developed mostly on the basis of concepts and ideas produced earlier by the autonomous movements and on their experiences. This perspective, which treats the subjective practices of resistance as the starting point of any theoretical analysis, makes it possible to look at the history of reaction to the autonomous social movements and their brutal suppression as the roots of the neoliberal counterrevolution of the 1980s and 1990s.
PL
Artykuł rekonstruuje historię autonomicznych ruchów społecznych w powojennej historii Włoch, których aktywność przypadała w dużym stopniu na okres tzw. "lat ołowiu". Po kolei omawiane jest powstanie operaizmu orach autonomicznego ruchu robotniczego, następnie ruchu studenckiego, operaistycznego feminizmu oraz w końcu radykalnych ruchów autonomicznych lat 70. Historia ta rekonstruowana jest z perspektywy współczesnej włoskiej filozofii politycznej, która w dużym stopniu wykształciła się na koncepcjach wypracowanych wcześniej przez autonomiczne ruchy oraz na ich doświadczeniach. Perspektywa ta, która podmiotowe praktyki oporu traktuje jako punkt wyjścia dla teoretycznych analiz, umożliwia spojrzenie na historię reakcji na autonomiczne ruchy społeczne oraz ich brutalnego stłumienia jako na źródło neoliberalnej kontrrewolucji lat 80. i 90.
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