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EN
Switzerland consists of different regions, cultures and languages. The minorities in Switzerland are in the first place ethno-linguistic minorities, whose are unified by a common language. Therefore, since the foundation of the Confederation in 1848 the Helvetic state has been considered a multilingual country. The confederation and cantons are obliged to protect linguistic minorities. The grounds of the Swiss social structure, with traditional multiculturalism and four national languages are two principles: language freedom (Sprachenfreiheit) and territoriality (Territorialitätsprinzip). Switzerland has no official state religion. Predominant religion is Christianity, the largest religious minorities is established by Islam. The largest Christian denominations are Catholic Church (37.7%) and Swiss Reformed Church (25.5%). The influx of new cultural minorities to Switzerland began aXer the Second World War and was directly connected with economic migration, with the large influx of gastarbeiters from southern European countries and refugees from the Third World and from the former Yugoslavia. International law includes the protection of national, yet not cultural minorities. In Switzerland the protection of national minorities is also based on international standards. The necessity for systematic integration policy in Switzerland appeared in the nineties of the twentieth century, after removing the anti-immigration tendencies and hostile attitude towards foreigners. There is a conflict of interest between democracy and state under the rule of law, and between majoritarian democratic politics and liberal principles. The conflict can be controlled; however it can not be resolved. The principle of the Swiss “unity in multiplicity” is best reflected in the multiculturalism and multilingualism of Switzerland, but also a relatively high percentage of the foreigners.
EN
The aim of this article is to present some ramifications of the democratization processes in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since 1989. The analysis concentrates on relations between the new dominant groups and cultural (mostly national and religious) minorities. The author outlines the concepts of democracy under conditions of cultural pluralism. He concentrates on similarities and differences between three levels of relations between the dominant groups and minorities: “institutional,” “semi-institutional,” and “non-institutional.” CEE is not homogenous neither among the countries nor among these spheres. Moreover, relations between dominant groups and minorities do not seem to be much more complicated than in some (actually many)Western countries. However, it seems to be easier in CEE to express oneself on political and cultural maters without fear of governmental reprisal than without fear of societal reprisal.
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EN
Multicultural Switzerland is a combination of many diwerent components – four of cial languages, many religions, minorities and cultures. Switzerland is historicallya „model” of political and multicultural integration; the Swiss nation has also a political aracter. Four factors are very important in Swiss cultural policy: the constitution, which makes the principle of diversity a priority, federalism, representative government and direct democracy. In Switzerland, cultural minorities should be divided into traditional minorities, which are ethnic and linguistic minorities and so-called new minorities, formed because of immigration in the last half-century. Multilingualism is a basic element of the identity of the Swiss state and a guarantee of recognition of cultural minorities in this country. There is no ocial state religion in Switzerland. e dominant religion is Christianity, and the greatest religious minority are Muslims. Both the parliament and the government, as the highest political instances in Switzerland, are obliged to dene the objectives of protection of cultural minorities. e system of direct democracy makes the integration of cultural and national minorities in Switzerland dicult. Current instruments of integration are insucient – Swiss society should realize that the future is a time of integration on the supranational level.
Diametros
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2012
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issue 31
22-32
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie wątpliwości, którą budzi multikulturalizm Chandrana Kukathasa. Wpierw rekonstruuje się i przedstawia jego mocną krytykę praw grupowych oraz jego wizję Liberalnego Archipelagu, który może być traktowany jako pewien ideał państwa naznaczonego pluralizmem kulturowym. Następnie zwraca się uwagę na to, że współczesne państwa nie mogłyby podjąć się hipotetycznych prób realizowania, „zbliżenia się” do tego ideału bez rozbudowanego systemu praw grupowych. Może to być traktowane jako swoisty paradoks, a nawet niekonsekwencja w doktrynie Chandrana Kukathasa, który wyraźnie odrzuca prawa grupowe.
EN
The aim of the article is to present an important doubt concerning the multiculturalism of Chandran Kukathas. First, his strong critique of group rights and his vision of the Liberal Archipelago, which can be considered as a certain ideal of a state marked by cultural pluralism, is reconstructed and presented. Then it is argued, that contemporary states could not make hypothetical attempts to realize, to “get closer” to this ideal without a complex system of group rights. This can be considered as a paradox, or even an inconsistency in the doctrine of Chandran Kukathas, who explicitly repudiates group rights.
EN
The aim of this article is to draw attention to the challenges facing  the Church in the current migration crisis in Europe, in the context of the debate on the admission of illegal immigrants and refugees arriving in Europe and the related social and cultural security.The article consists of three parts. The first is the historical dimension of migration and exile in Europe and the world. The second part presents the attitude of European societies to immigrants and refugees. Part three deals with current migration and refugee challenges for the Church. Conclusions: In the debate on the contemporary influx of immigrants to Europe, we cannot forget the mass emigration from Europe in the nineteenth century, the first half of the 20th century, and refugees connected with the First and Second World Wars. Catholic Church in Poland  should address firstly the lack of solidarity found between the EU states in addressing the problems of the migration crisis; secondly the attitude of Christians, which is not always in line with the teachings of the second Vatican Council, towards Muslims who seek to reach Europe from poor or conflicted regions.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba zwrócenia uwagi na wyzwania, jakie stawia przed Kościołem obecny kryzys migracyjny w Europie, w kontekście debaty na temat przyjmowania nielegalnych imigrantów i uchodźców przybywających do Europy oraz związanego z tym bezpieczeństwa społecznego i kulturowego. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej omówione są migracje oraz uchodźstwo w świecie i w Europie w wymiarze historycznym. Część druga prezentuje stosunek społeczeństw Europy do imigrantów i uchodźców. Część trzecia zajmuje się obecnymi migracjami i uchodźstwem jako wyzwaniami dla Kościoła. Wnioski: W debacie o współczesnym napływie imigrantów do Europy nie można zapominać o masowych emigracjach z Europy w XIX w., pierwszej połowie XX w. oraz o uchodźstwie w związku z I i II wojną światową. Kościół powinna zająć się ponadto brakiem solidarności państw tworzących UE we wspólnym rozwiązywaniu problemów kryzysu migracyjnego; dalekim od postaw chrześcijańskich stosunkiem do osób starających się dotrzeć do Europy z rejonów biednych czy objętych konfliktami oraz sprzecznym z nauką Soboru Watykańskiego II podejściem do muzułmanów.  
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