Search results - CEJSH

1

Quasi-prawodawcza inicjatywa obywatelska jako element demokracji uczestniczącej w systemie prawnoinstytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej

100%

Wróbel I.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2013

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issue 1(346)

69-93

EN

The object of the article is to present the rulings of the primary and secondary law of the European Union pertaining to the citizens’ initiative at the suprastate level that serve the implementation of organizational and infrastructural solutions as well as the first experiences with applying the accepted legal norms, administrative procedures and informative-communicative means. The analysis of the legal grounds aims at positioning the European citizens’ initiative in the classifications of democracy and its tools proposed so far, and adjusting theoretical approaches to states to the needs of studies on a suprastate organization of an integrative character. Analysis of the course and results of hitherto application of the rulings on the European Citizens’ Initiative purports to answer the question whether and how the direct power of the citizens of the European Union is exercised in practice at the level of this organization. The focus of the study is the question whether implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon actually results in a significant broadening of the scope of participating democracy and whether the European citizens are interested in using this new instrument of democracy, namely popular initiative at the suprastate level.

2

Chvála a kritika prvorepublikové demokracie

100%

Pehr M.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2014

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vol. 6

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issue 1

120-134

EN

Praise and criticism of First Republic democracy is a study that deals with the way the pros and cons of First Republic democracy were evaluated at the time, as well as the way society perceived this concept at the time and what it highlighted or criticized in the political reality of the First Republic political system.

3

Standarty demokracji przedstawicielskiej w Unii Europejskiej a equilibrium legiymizacyjne w czasach kryzysu

100%

Riedel R.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2013

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issue 2

s.9-32

EN

The two important events that shape our thinking about the democratic standards within the European Union and its member states at the break of the first and second decade of the XXI century are: the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as the economic crisis in some members of the euro-zone. This analysis examines the major claims of the Treaty on democracy, its mechanisms and legitimacy. Subsequently, it contextualises them in the existing literature on democratic deficit and the legitimacy questions in the multilevel governance system of the EU. The author builds a scheme which reflects the channels of legitimacy in the decision-making process which the EU is entertaining. This system is then confronted with the problem of the current economic crisis. The ‘rescue policies’ intervention of the EU is criticised by many for violating the vox populi in the indebted countries. Therefore, this paper reflects upon the tension between democratically justified but economically irresponsible decisions on the one side, and the austerity measures imposed as a consequence of the previous decisions imposed from the outside and therefore seen as ‘undemocratic’. The author concludes that the present legitimacy equilibrium is sufficient to democratically justify the austerity measures imposed on the reform-resistant economies.

4

The 73rd Conference of the International Communication Association. Toronto, Canada, May 25-29, 2023

100%

Głowacki M.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2023

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vol. 16

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issue 1(33)

152-155

5

The implementation of democratic values in the first post-war decade in Japan

85%

Kubas S.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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issue 3

69-84

PL

Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniu wprowadzania zasad reżimu demokratycznego do życia politycznego Japonii po zakończeniu II wojny światowej. Zamierzeniem autora była próba określenia sposobu i poziomu zakorzeniania się wartości demokratycznych w świadomości społeczeństwa japońskiego. Dlatego też autor stara się określić wpływ wartości demokratycznych na postawy społeczne Japończyków w omawianym okresie czasu. W tym celu zostaje dokonana analiza kilku kluczowych dla zrozumienia problemu płaszczyzn: aksjologicznej, normatywnej i instytucjonalnej. Autor ukazuje także wpływ wewnętrznych postaw społecznych w Japonii manifestowanych w zakresie kultury politycznej na konwersję zasad i wartości demokracji i proces demokratyzacji.

EN

The article describes the problem of democracy in Japan as an external political system introduced after the end of World War II. The author tries to explore how deeply democratic values were rooted in Japanese society in the first decade after the war. The key objective of this article is to analyse how Japanese democratic values functioned at that time, how they influenced political attitudes and if they were coherent. There are three basic dimensions of the author’s considerations: axiological, normative and institutional. To achieve this, the author describes democratic values, internal elements of Japanese political culture and the democratisation process as a single complex process.

6

Deliberative democracy and citizenship

80%

Pietrzyk-Reeves D.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2006

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vol. 35

43-64

EN

The model of deliberative democracy poses a number of dificult questions about individual rationality, public reason and justification, public spiritedness, and an active and supportive public sphere. It also raises the question about what kind of civic involvement is required for the practices of democratic deliberation to be effective. The aim of this article is to examine the last question by looking at the role and value of citizenship understood in terms of participation. It argues that deliberative democracy implies a category of democratic citizens; its institutional framework calls for the activity and competence of citizenry, and consequently, the participatory forms of deliberative democracy come closest to the democratic ideal as such. Also, the model of participatory-deliberative democracy is more attractive as a truly democratic ideal than the model of formal deliberative democracy, but it certainly faces more dificulties when it comes to the practicalities, and especially the institutional design. This problem is raised in the last section of the article where the possible applicability of such a model to post-communist democracies is addressed. The major dificulty that the participatory-deliberative model poses for the post-communist democratization can be explained by a reference to the cultural approach towards democratization and to the revised modernization theory presented by Inglehart and Welzel. The problem of the applicability of such a model in the post-communist context seems to support the thesis presented here which suggests that active citizenship, civic skills and civic culture are indispensable for the development of deliberative politics.

7

Émotions et sensibilité : pour une nouvelle perspective des études romanes

80%

Swoboda T.

Romanica Wratislaviensia

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2018

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vol. 65

119-126

EN

To speak of a new functioning of “Romance philology”, the article reflects on the problems and challenges facing our discipline, resulting from the crisis in the humanities and their teaching. In this view, the perspective outlined by Martha Nussbaum and Michał Paweł Markowski shows that these problems and challenges are not only a risk but also an opportunity for “Romance philology” insofar as the idea of “teaching for democracy”, advocated by these two authors, corresponds perfectly to the actual content of our courses and research work, inextricably linked to the French tradition. They must, however, take a new form to circulate in the media reality of today.

8

Garden policies of the Warsaw housing cooperative: the garden and the right to the city

80%

Matysek-Imielińska M.

Polish Journal of Landscape Studies

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2018

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vol. 1

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issue 2-3

83-98

EN

The article analyzes the project of green spaces to accompany a 1920s residential development in Warsaw. The estate was intended to provide a housing minimum for the poorest inhabitants, as well as educate workers how to live an urban lifestyle. It was presumed that access to greenery, nature, a site of leisure and the smell of flowers cannot be a privilege of the bourgeoisie. Thus, the garden policy proved an emancipatory gesture, an assertion of the right to the city and a means of forging civic mindsets and attitudes. The author asks whether the innocent gardens became workshops in Sennett’s understanding, shaping principles and rituals of cooperation, and examines how they helped to promote a new citizen in a new estate.en

9

Informed aesthetic consensus and the creation of urban environments

80%

Mueller-Salo J.

Polish Journal of Landscape Studies

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2018

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vol. 1

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issue 2-3

117-132

EN

The aim of this paper is to analyze the aesthetics of urban environments. One central feature of urban environments is that they are surroundings that we share with each other and hence their aesthetic outlook belongs to our common world. One may then ask how common, i.e. shared surroundings should be planned, designed and managed? The author claims that an informed aesthetic consensus is needed. Throughout the paper he discusses why it is important to think about a consensus within urban aesthetic decision making in postmodern times, he presents the notion of an informed aesthetic consensus and its importance for aesthetic theory, finally-he explains how it may be applied to democratic processes of urban aesthetic decision making.

10

Marxism, Socialism and Democracy

80%

Llorente R.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2018

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issue 3

141-154

EN

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels believed that their political project involved a com-mitment to democracy, and many subsequent Marxists have claimed that Marxism’s conception of socialism and communism represents a supremely democratic social arrangement. Many of Marxism’s critics, however, reject this belief, holding that the Marxist conception of socialism and communism entails anti-democratic policies, prac-tices and institutions. While the position of Marxism’s critics is, without question, the predominant view today, it turns out that the arguments used to support this position are highly problematic, insofar as they proceed from certain liberal-democratic assumptions about democracy that Marxists can reasonably reject.

11

WIZJA PAŃSTWA W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ UNII WOLNOŚCI

80%

Szczepański D.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2012

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issue 10

151-159 (9)

EN

The aim of the article was to present the UW party’s assumptions of the political system of the country. A particular attention was paid to the principle of separation of powers and the need to maintain a balance between the legislative, administrative and judicatory power. The scope of the various authorities have been discussed, and specific solutions pointed at which, according to UW ideologues, may have contributed to their better functioning.

12

Has the acceptance of the equality and freedom principles increased over 15 years? A comparative analysis of attitudes among students

80%

Czerniawska M.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

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2020

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vol. 17

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issue 1

95-115

EN

The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.

13

Czy w ciągu 15 lat wzrosła akceptacja demokratycznych zasad równości i wolności? – analiza porównawcza postaw studentów

80%

Czerniawska M.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

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2020

|

vol. 17

|

issue 1

73-93

PL

The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.

14

Student experience in developing a democratic society - participation in an international project as a new teaching method in social work

80%

Maciejewska O., Pawlikowska J.

Praca Socjalna

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2019

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vol. 34(2)

43-66

EN

One of the basic assumptions of the article is to reflect on the issue of a modern education system for students of social sciences, which will meet the expectations and needs of students, academic teachers, researchers, practitioners and society on the one hand, and the numerous and increasingly ambiguous challenges of modernity on the other. We pay special attention to social work as an activity and profession in which we undertake scientific, research and practical activities. The forms of education, we focus on in the article are international projects based on the implementation by students of joint educational and social projects. Their use allows to achieve the most desired effects, among which one should distinguish the increase of awareness and reflectiveness, the pursuit of critical (self)development of young people and increases openness to knowledge, experience, innovation and changes. To exemplify, we used the analysis of an international project titled Social work with mentally ill people and their families in Germany, France and Poland implemented in cooperation with partner schools at the Institute of Sociology of the Jagiellonian University.

15

Ocena demokratycznego ładu w myśli liberalizmu

80%

Beniuszys P.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

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2012

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vol. 9

201-215

EN

In the contemporary outlook the convergence between liberal values and democratic order of state power election appears widely acknowledged. Democratic liberalism is the dominating tendency in the reflection about political systems of countries today. This is the result of a long debate among liberals, during which this standpoint was not unanimously accepted. The tension between individual liberty and the power of government is not invalidated simply by means of introduction of democratic procedure. The „people” can also be the tyrant. While some great liberals (Bentham, Guizot) believed that democracy leads to violation of individual liberties and chaos, others (Tocqueville, Mill) pointed out a possible „liberal democracy” if constitutional guarantees of a liberal rule of law are in place and government remains limited. This debate re-emerges in times of political and economic crisis.

16

DISCRIMINATION, DEMOCRACY, AND POSTMODERN HUMAN RIGHTS

80%

Wypych B.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2013

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vol. 42

163-184

EN

The question of discrimination, as far as it is considered in the field of philosophy, cannot be perceived as a problem which can be effectively combated. Even the most precise diagnosis of human nature will not restrain people from defining others as evil and inferior. The most universal and spacious conventions, declarations, cards or bills will not solve the problem either. They can be regarded as an example of applied philosophy at most. On the other hand, we should pose the question what the world would look like if political pragmatism were the main obligatory rule. Thus, the situation finds us between philosophical wishful thinking about a global order free from discrimination and macro – or micropolitical pragmatism.

17

E-voting a zasady prawa wyborczego. Analiza prawnoporównawcza

80%

Rulka M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2017

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issue 3(140)

71–90

EN

The purpose of this article is to examine the compatibility of electronic voting using the electronic voting machines and the Internet voting (i-voting) with the principles of electoral law. The analysis shows that the greatest doubts may be raised about the compliance of the vote (mainly i-voting) with the principle of secrecy. Secrecy of the vote couldn’t be guaranteed because of an uncontrolled environment in which votes are cast and stored. Hence, the author considers the abolition of one of the elements of secrecy, which is a requirement of anonymity. He also points out the need of extending the rules of the electoral law to include the principle of the public nature of elections, which would guarantee the access of voters to the electoral process following the vote, which legal provisions governing electronic voting usually do not provide. Finally, he indicates the need for very cautious implementation of this method of voting.

18

Polityka sporu. Poza polityką instytucjonalną?

80%

Foryś G.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2014

|

issue 13

187-200

EN

The article is an attempt to present the growing importance of feud politics as an area beyond institutional politics. The issue discussed in the article seems to be up to date, especially in the context of modern day representative democracy crisis. It is possible to say that contestation policy is a connection of sorts between institutional politics and the society and it is a sign of taking public action parallel to traditional politics. The validity of this thesis is dependent, though, on the acceptance of the specific definition of politics itself, as well as definitions of feud and protest politics. The most accurate approach in this matter seems to be the subjectoriented one. It can be said without doubt that contestation politics is becoming an important part of institutional politics which cannot be omitted. This can be seen not only in the growing number of contestation actions, but also in the engagement of the country in this kind of politics. It seems that the perspective accepted in the article allows for further analysis of the subject, which would include such elements as: political behavior and actions, political process, or some models of group politics.

19

Budowanie wspólnoty zadaniem edukacyjnym

80%

Segiet W.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

|

2020

|

vol. 18

|

issue 2

27-40

EN

Along with the description of contemporary societies, including the indication of clear tendencies towards „individualisation” of lifespan, focusing on subjects that observe themselves with reflection, an issue appears regarding the creation of a community, including the educational one. A peculiar outline of the reflexive modernity is recognised on the basis the ways how individuals achieve social integration.Des pite the differentiating forms of social and cultural life, the foundation of the accomplishment of self and the society, is still „community”, which constitutes an encouragement to enter the issue of social (dis)integration, an inspiration allowing to bestow a defined sense on democracy, and socialization processes. Therefore, the need to consider the issues of communities arises, including their confirmation in education. To present a path for social integration, with the full awareness that in modern societies the „common good” ideal is being lost, one should be accompanied by indications regarding education itself. One may reduce them to how the community constituted due to and within education, ensured the integration of all entities concerned, and helped accomplish democracy.

20

Community building as an educational task

80%

Segiet W.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

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2020

|

vol. 18

|

issue 2

41-53

EN

Along with the description of contemporary societies, including the indication of clear tendencies towards „individualisation” of lifespan, focusing on subjects that observe themselves with reflection, an issue appears regarding the creation of a community, including the educational one. A peculiar outline of the reflexive modernity is recognised on the basis the ways how individuals achieve social integration. Despite the differentiating forms of social and cultural life, the foundation of the accomplishment of self and the society,is still „community”, which constitutes an encouragement to enter the issue of social (dis)integration, an inspiration allowing to bestow a defined sense on democracy, and socialization processes. Therefore, the need to consider the issues of communities arises, including their confirmation in education. To present a path for social integration, with the full awareness that in modern societies the „common good” ideal is being lost, one should be accompanied by indications regarding education itself. One may reduce them to how the community constituted due to and within education, ensured the integration of all entities concerned, and helped accomplish democracy.

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