Search results - CEJSH

1

Demokratisierung der russischen Wissenschaftssprache

100%

Donninghaus S.

Acta Neophilologica

|

2006

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issue VIII

33-47

EN

In linguistic papers on language change it is often stated that the Russian language since the 1990s has adapted to the new political, economical and social conditions by reacting in varied ways to the changes of the so-called extralinguistic environment. Linguists, however, usually concentrate on the description of phonetical/phonological, morphological, lexical or syntactic changes without paying attention to changes of text types. In the present article, by the example of a study of scientific texts I investigate the process of the democratization of written academic speech from the 1950s up to now. For this purpose, I concentrate on different linguistic means of expressing personalization. As a basis for my diachronic empirical investigation serves a homogeneous corpus of written texts of the type ‘academic article’ in well-known linguistic journals.

2

Демократизация содержания текстов масс-медиа (на материале вторичной номинации Беларуси и белорусов)

80%

Рамза Т.

Acta Neophilologica

|

2006

|

issue VIII

147-154

EN

The article deals with the process of democratization in Belarusian press texts. The author points to the tendency towards democratization in the Belarusian language in comparison with Russian and draws some conclusions. Firstly, the attitude to spelling norms has changed, which is proved by parallel existence of two spelling traditions. Secondly, democratization of the content of journalistic texts is observed not in domination of non-standard vocabulary, typical of Russian, but in specific ‘semantic innovations’, metaphors with negative connotations. Secondary nomination of Belarus and Belarusians in private mass media is in the focus of the author’s attention.

3

Health status, nutrition and democratization: a comparative study

80%

Peterson S. A., Franzese-Peterson E.

Reality of Politics

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2021

|

issue 16

93-106

EN

Many factors have been adduced to explain why some states become democracies and others not. Accepted variables predicting democracy include education level, economic development, urbanization, communication networks and so on. This paper will explore two biological variables’ role-nutrition level and health status. Comparative data are used to explore the effects of these variables on level of democracy. Implications are discussed.

4

Główne tendencje w procesach kształtowania się systemów politycznych państw postradzieckich

80%

Czachor R.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

|

2015

|

vol. 2

85-98

EN

The peak moment of crisis in the Soviet Union was its official dissolution in the end of 1991. All former Soviet republics were forced to face serious challenges in social and political development. The phenomena of post-communist transformation is a field of broad investigations. The article examines main common trends in the development of political systems in the post-Soviet countries. The author concludes that former USSR republics have passed period of transformation and established political regimes of a new type. It confirms a thesis about possibility of transformation of undemocratic regime into another undemocratic. Drawing prospects to further development of post-Soviet political systems, the author suggests two scenarios: “turbulent democratization” and “authoritarian remake”.

5

The Word of God Comes into the Voting Booth. Church Attendance and Political Involvement in East Central Europe during the Early 1990s

80%

Radu B. M.

Polish Sociological Review

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2014

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vol. 184

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issue 4

451-466

EN

In this research I explore the effect of religious denomination and belonging on political participation in former communist countries of East Central Europe after the fall of communism. In the early 1990s, mostly as a response to forced secularization during communism, authors heralded a massive religious revival in the countries formerly belonging to the Eastern Bloc. In this paper I show that the re-discovery of God and church was not equally popular in all countries. Moreover, I explore the links between religious participation and political participation and I find no uniform transnational effect of denomination. Rather, the Eurobarometer survey data from the early 1990s suggests that the ways in which religious believing and belonging influence political participation at the beginning of democratization is context driven. Indeed, one of the strengths of this paper resides in my attempt to capture the religious context in post-communist Europe shortly after its collapse. I thus contribute to a better understanding of how religious and political involvement are intertwined during early transition in East Central Europe. In the conclusion, I advocate the need for adequately taking context into consideration, especially given its dynamic and multi-faceted nature.

6

Критерии демократизации языка

80%

Лабащук М.

Acta Neophilologica

|

2006

|

issue VIII

139-146

EN

In the present paper aspects of lexical meaning of the term ‘democratization of language’ are analyzed - positive and negative peculiarity of the meaning of that term. The methodological problem of ontology of language is discussed with the special attention to forms of individual and social language as well as the category of censorship (from the perspective of necessity of differentiation between the aspects of censorship: individual and social).

7

DUALIZM EGZEKUTYWY JAKO ZAGROŻENIE DLA PROCESU DEMOKRATYZACJI – RZECZYWISTOŚĆ CZY IMAGINACJA?

80%

Banaś M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2014

|

issue 2(12)

25-36 (12)

EN

The aim of this article is to analyse the impact of dual executive with the president elected by popular vote on the democratic transformation of post-communist countries of Europe and Eurasia. For this purpose following hypothesis was investigated: the system of government based on dual executive is a threat to democratization. Accepting that this process consists of three parallel transitions (political, economic and social), the author examined the impact of dual executive on the results of post-communist countries of Europe and Eurasia in two indexes: Revised Polity Score and Economic Freedom of the World. Thanks to this study some conclusions could be drawn pertaining to the impact of the system based on dual executive on the effects of the democratization of selected countries in political and economic areas. This allowed following question to be an-swered: is it a fact that a system of government based on dual executive with a president elected by popular vote is a threat to democratization?

8

Wyzwania reformy samorządowej i procesu decentralizacji na Ukrainie po 1991 roku

80%

Czachor R.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2017

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vol. 1

79-90

EN

Local self-government reforms were one of most important elements of political transformations in the post-communist countries. Currently Ukrainian authorities pay much attention to this problem, however all previous attempts of reforms were insufficient. The paper deals with theoretical aspects of local self-government models in a functional approach and discusses challenges that Ukraine will face during the reform. The author concludes that despite of positive tendencies of the reform, it brings serious threats to Ukrainian statehood.

9

„W kąpieli wszyscy są nadzy”. Film Saitō Torajirō Pięciu panów z Tokio i demokratyzacja w kinie japońskim

71%

Świrkowski A.

Porównania

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2016

|

vol. 18

307-320

EN

Among the first films created in Japan after the implementation of new regulations concerning film production under the allied occupation (1945-1952) was Saitō Torajirō’s Five Men from Tokyo produced in the last months of 1945. Although it was shot on location in the barren wasteland of post-war Tokyo Saitō’s film is a comedy satirizing various aspects of life after the national trauma of the lost war. This article is a brief analysis of the ways in which the film adheres to the guidelines devised by the GHQ to promote democratization. The paper also points out how the acclaimed filmmaker attempted to avoid making a simple propaganda movie in the vein of other films produced immediately after the war.

PL

Pięciu panów z Tokio w reżyserii Saitō Torajirō to jeden z pierwszych filmów powstałych w okupowanej Japonii po wprowadzeniu w życie nowych przepisów organizujących funkcjonowanie przemysłu filmowego. Kręcony w plenerach zniszczonej stolicy w ostatnich miesiącach 1945 roku film jest komedią, w której w satyrycznym świetle przedstawiono rozmaite strony codziennego życia po zakończeniu wojny. Artykuł jest próbą przedstawienia strategii obranych przez twórców Pięciu panów z Tokio wobec opracowanych przez siły okupacyjne wytycznych nakazujących produkcję filmów propagujących demokratyzację kraju.

10

Między politologią i komunikologią. Razem czy osobno? Przypadek studiów porównawczych nad relacjami polityki i mediów w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej

70%

Dobek-Ostrowska B.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 5(36)

27-49

EN

Political science is older science than communication studies, but during the last decades we observe a high dynamic of communication research and publications. It is linked with a development of television in the second part of 20th c., and the new media as internet and next, the social media in 21th c. The technologies of communication play a fundamental role as an object of research at both disciplines because they revolutionize the political world. A group of scholars, who are interested in a research between politics and communication, widens systematically. This process stated in 50s of 20th c. During the last two decades studies in political communication have confirmed how political and communication sciences are close. I will show this symbiosis on an example of relations between media and politics in Eastern and Central Europe.

11

Building Brazil back

70%

Dowbor L.

Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny

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2022

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vol. 30

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issue 3 (117)

7-32

EN

In this paper, we present an overview of the main lines of action in order to reshape the society in Brazil so that it is economically viable, socially just and environmentally sus-tainable. The proposals are divided into four pillars: 1) productive inclusion, focusing in particular on our main challenge, inequality; 2) the financial mechanisms, focusing on the necessary financial policy measures so that the resources serve development; 3) modernization of management and decision-making processes that are currently inoperative, in the sense of decentralization and community empowerment, taking advantage of network connectivity; 4) rethinking the political base of support to the new dynamics of inclusive development.

12

From Overdecentralization to Overcentralization ? Hungarian Experience in Handling the Crisis at the Local Level

70%

Gellén M.

NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy

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2014

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vol. 7

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issue 2

51-69

EN

This paper provides a polemic interpretation of recent Hungarian public-administration reforms compared to the opinions that can be found in international scientific literature. The divergence of the various interpretations stems from the different perspectives on the historic context of the development path of the Hungarian municipal administration during the pre- and post-regime change period. The differences in the interpretation of the achievements of the regime change determine whether one would suggest a minor correction or a total replacement - if given the possibility. After briefly describing the public-administration legacy of the communist past and of the post-communist decades, the article delves into the analysis of the financial unsustainability of the highly decentralized local-government system. The analysis builds on the findings of international financiers that operate as policy- transfer powerhouses, as well. Bursting financial tensions led to Hungary’s loan agreement with the IMF in 1996. Although the loan was paid back by 1998, internal systemic inefficiencies stemming from the uneasy compromises of the regime change still had their corroding effect, although vulnerable finances were veiled by occasional conjunctures in the domestic and international economy. In the year 2008, the country became virtually insolvent and again applied for an IMF loan. The IMF itself formulated certain measures to increase the efficiency of the overdecentralized local-government system. Unlike its predecessor, the government that stepped into power in 2010 had the political power to launch systemic corrections in the local-government system. The reforms contained a trade-off : the majority of local competences in exchange for fiscally consolidating local governments. This is labeled as a trade-off between efficiency and democracy by certain authors. It is a fact that the overdecentralized form of local public administration was inefficient and unsustainable. Now there is an opportunity to test whether an overcentralized public administration would be efficient.

13

UNDERSTANDING POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC TRANSITION IN POST-YUGOSLAV SERBIA AND SLOVENIA

70%

Pinteric U.

Torun International Studies

|

2017

|

issue 10

155-165

EN

Article is short review of political and economic transition period in the area of former Yugoslavia. Author compares two of its most important parts, Serbia as previous political centre and Slovenia as economically most advanced republic that also tried to democratize Yugoslavian federation already before Yugoslav disintegration. Author argues that transition in Slovenia started much earlier than only in the late eighties of previous century and at the same time he is trying to find comparatively how far Serbia and Slovenia are with transition process after more than 15 years later. According to the current situation analyzed in the comparative perspective Serbia has great potential for not only complete transition, but also to become centre of South-Eastern Europe.

14

EFFECTS OF THE GEZI PARK MOVEMENT ON RENEWAL OF THE DEMOCRATIZATION DEBATE IN TURKEY

70%

Yildirim Y., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2016

|

issue 1

PL

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens’ protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation’s approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

15

European Union Democracy Promotion and its impact on Civil Society in Central Asia

70%

Fiedler R.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2018

|

issue 1

73-82

EN

After a period of relatively small activity in this region, in 2007, the European Union offered a strategy for Central Asia. This strategy addressed many issues, including democratic deficit and human rights violations. The main obstacles to the implementation of the strategy are autocratic tendencies and corruption, the influence of neighbors strongly leaning towards autocracy and the post-Soviet legacy. Additionally, the EU’s activity is overshadowed by the US and has minimal capacity for pursuing its own policy toward Central Asia. Another problem is the fact that after implementing this EU strategy toward Central Asia there are no new initiatives which contribute to more visible European activity in that region.

16

Główne podejścia teoretyczne do analizy „kolorowych rewolucji” na obszarze postradzieckim

70%

Hurska-Kowalczyk L.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2021

|

vol. 1

225-234

EN

The objective of this article is an overview and analysis of three theoretical approaches applied to ‘colour revolutions’ (wide anti-government protests in the area of the former ZSSR, which led to changes in governments), considered as 1) a way to re-activate the process of democratization in post-Soviet countries, based on Samuel P. Huntington’s concept of the waves of democracy (Valerie Bunce, Sharon Wolchik, Thomas Carothers, Mark Beissinger, Michael McFaul, Taras Kuzio); 2) the effect of the impact of structural factors (Lucan Way, Steven Levitsky, Katya Kalandadze, Mitchell Orenstein); 3) a method to transform “post-soviet neopatrimonial regimes”, founded on the paradigms of patronal politics (Henry Hale, Rałał Czachor, Vladimir Gel’man, Ołeksandr Fisun).

17

From Political Transformation to Europeanization and Democracy in the New European Union Member States: An Attempt to Review Results

70%

Fiszer J. M.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2016

|

vol. 195

|

issue 3

373-388

EN

This article addresses the arguments in an article in the quarterly Polish Sociological Review, no. 1(193)2016, entitled ‘The Rocky Road of Europeanization in the New Member States: From Democracy to a Second Try at Democratization’ by Attila Ágh, a Hungarian political scientist. In my opinion, Ágh’s interesting article, which looks at political transformation processes, Europeanization, and democratization in new member states of the European Union (i.e., Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia), has certain methodological and factual deficiencies. Moreover, it contains numerous ideas that I believe are debatable and require further empirical research.

18

Transformacja polityczna w Egipcie w okresie prezydentury Muhammada Mursiego

70%

Lipa M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2013

|

issue 3

149-165

EN

This article refers to the second phase of political transformation in Egypt, which coincides with the period of Muhammad Morsi’s presidency. The attention is paid not only to the internal dimension of the transformation, but also its main external circumstances. With regard to the functioning of the Egyptian political system, there were no significant changes – comparing to the period preceding the M. Morsi’s presidency. The holding of free elections (parliamentary and presidential) does not mean that Egypt has become a democratic state. It rather remains the state that “stuck” in transition, especially after the coup of July 3, 2013.

19

Ortografia elitarna czy egalitarna? Romantyczne dylematy

61%

Stęplewski A.

Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne

|

2011

|

issue 1

EN

Spelling is not just a problem for students, it is also a serious political issue. This especially concerns the time when the standard literary languages are formed. The problem of spelling also appears when there are important social changes, revolutions, wars, and a change of political system. One introduces spelling democratization for all members of the community or, conversely, spelling becomes an elite, intended for a narrow audience. The article presents the problem of spelling in Poland and Czech (Bohemia) in the 19th century and nowadays.

20

Mniejszość niemiecka w Polsce a proces transformacji systemowej – założenia i wstępne wyniki badań

61%

Mazurkiewicz M.

Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka

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2021

|

vol. 76

|

issue 2

47-74

EN

The article presents the assumptions and partial results of the research undertaken within the project “German minority in Poland in the face of transition and political transformation after 1989”, carried out by a research team from the Institute of Political Science and Administration (University of Opole) and commissioned by the German Minority Research Center. The project is an attempt of adopting a new perspective on the processes related to the political transformation which Poland underwent 30 years ago, with an aim of investigating the role that the German minority played in this transition. Authors of the paper focused on discussing the current state of research and outlining the sociopolitical context of the emergence of the German minority movement, the reactions of the sociopolitical actors on these processes, as well as their influence on the civil society formation, mainly in the Opole voivodeship (province).

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