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EN
The paper deals with an image of Russia which was used during the January Uprising of 1863 by the Polish propaganda in an effort to win both the support of governments and the public opinion in the West. The image of Imperial Russia was characterized by special dialectics of strength and helplessness: the very thing which once came to be identified as a source of Russia's strength was at the same time pointed out to be a source of the country’s weakness (despotism, barbarism). The dialectics was designed to leave the West “horrified” at the prospect of having its most vital interests jeopardized by aggressive tendencies of the Russian colossus, but also to show the way in which these expansionist ambitions could be held in check. In 1863 the West was already well-acquainted with such a picture of Russia. Insofar as this way of portraying Russia could be successful in terms of pure propaganda, it could hardly be relied on for obtaining some more tangible political profits. Since the defeat in the Crimean war, Russia has been able to command respect only as a part of international order, with no power, however, to disturb it.
PL
The presentation shows the polemics of French travellers: Chappe d’Auteroche and Philip Mason, who reveal the secrets of Russian mirage during their journeys to Russia of Catherine II. The Orthodox faith and the institution of the Orthodox Church, which alongside the despotism of the authorities turn out to be the major source of Russia’s gloomy history, are at the heart of their reliable and insightful analyses. Revealing the weaknesses of the faith, it is the religion where they discover a hidden spring of Russian politics, which made the nation become the slavish peasants taught only to humble if confronted with force. Devoid of freedom or authority, the Orthodox Church, fully dependent on secular power, serves the despotic ruler.
Studia Gilsoniana
|
2015
|
vol. 4
|
issue 3
187-207
EN
James Wilson (1742–1798), lawyer, Justice of the first Supreme Court of the United States, and Constitutional Framer argued, as did Étienne Gilson, that a citizenry who have adopted philosophical skepticism will lose their political freedom, as self-rule requires that citizens be able to reason rightly about the natural law. He advocated a common sense philosophical education in natural law for all lawyers, so that they might know the first principles of moral reasoning.
EN
The aim of the paper is to analyze the types and determinants of political leadership in the Balkans. Were these types the copies of the Ottoman model of power, did they reflect native models or were some other models adapted? The theoretical part of the article is based on the cultural theory of leadership (A. Wildavski). Wildavski formulates the thesis that historical and cultural determinants allow us to assume the existence of political leadership in the Balkans, namely, all forms of strong leadership: despotic, absolutist, autocratic and dictatorial (Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro). Our considerations concern the period from the national uprisings in the Balkans in the 19th c. until the middle of the 20th c., so till the times when the Ottoman heritage could influence the political and social life in the collective memory. The situation of Europe after 1945 changed radically due to establishing communist states in the Balkan Peninsula and the appearance of an utterly different type of political power. The paper formulates as well the second main thesis that the general leadership in the Balkans in the 19th – 20th cs. was based on shortages: the shortage of political and legal culture, the shortage of elites, of social power, security, education, traffic routes (disintegration), cities and townsfolk etc. All this impeded social development and facilitated the appearance of strong, patriarchal leadership in its different forms. Not all cultural factors and historical heritage affected the character of leadership in an equally powerful manner, but one can distinguish the common core.
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