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Ad Americam
|
2016
|
issue 17
135-147
EN
Since 2003, Brazil has been searching for efficient modalities directed at deepening ties with Latin American and African states, such as knowledge sharing and engaging in dialogue on alternative ways of tackling common development challenges. Considered by Brazilian policymakers to be expressions of solidarity diplomacy, these concepts and modalities are part of what has been coined Brazil’s “autonomy through diversification” strategy. Brazilian presidents Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff consecutively pursued geopolitical realignments focused on the creation of a multipolar world order with a strengthened, more visible position for Brazil, an emerging world power. This paper will examine the practical and theoretical implications of Brazil’s reconceptualization of its role as a donor of development aid, as well as donor-recipient relations as expressed in the two presidents’ official speeches, documents of the Brazilian Cooperation Agency, and COBRADI reports Furthermore, it will explore whether Brazil’s declared role as a development partner and its practices in the capacity thereof are consistent with the expectations of other significant development cooperation actors.
EN
Over the last few decades there has been an increased focus on results within development cooperation, and there has been an intense debate regarding the possible success or failures of development efforts. However, there is no general agreement on what a development result is, or why and whose development results should be reported. The understanding of what a development result entails has also shifted over time. This article aims to contribute to the current debate on development results by exploring how one donor, Sweden, historically has conceptualized development results in its policies and strategies on development cooperation. A review of all policies and general strategies on Swedish development cooperation published between 1962 and 2013, reveals that there has been a shift in how results are conceptualized: from being a mere instrument for supporting partner countries in pursuing more effective development policies and interventions, reporting of development results has become one of the main strategic tools for pursuing a Swedish development cooperation.
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Pomoc rozwojowa krajów BASIC

88%
EN
Since the first decade of the twenty first century Brazil, China, India and South Africa (BASIC countries) have substantially increased their development assistance to developing countries. Now, they are called the main emerging (new) donors. BASIC countries are donors and recipient countries at the same time. They still receive a lot of assistance from developed countries and international organisations. At the same time they provide development assistance to the South. As new donors they both change the rules of providing aid established by traditional donors and reduce the possibility of their impact on the economic policies of developing countries. The aim of the article is the presentation of development aid policies of Brazil, China, India and South Africa. The level of aid is estimated on the reports which are available on the government websites of BASIC countries and data presented by different authors in the literature. However, because of the complexity of the emerging donors’aid system, the figures do not fully show the actual state. Among BASIC countries China is the biggest donor and South Africa offers the lowest amount of aid. India and Brazil provided similar amounts of development assistance to developing countries in the years 2007-2010. The investigation shows that Brazil, China, India nad South Africa instead of providing conditional aid prefer development cooperation. They break with the hierarchical donor-recipient relationship, declare solidarity with Southern countries and respect their national sovereignty and independence. Moreover, they show greater sensitivity to the needs of developing countries and share with them their own experiences in the field of socio-economic development. Their development aid/cooperation is set to obtain mutual benefits and creates conditions for further economic cooperation. For BASIC countries the development aid/cooperation is also an important tool of their foreign policy. They often use aid to achieve political, strategic and economic objectives. However, their aid seems to be more attractive to developing countries and has a greater impact on their economic growth than the development assistance offered by the traditional donors.
EN
Fragile states pose a risk to regional and global security and an immense challenge to international development cooperation. The term fragile states generally refers to countries with dysfunctional, deteriorating or collapsed central authorities, as well as weak, failed, failing and collapsed states. In recent years they have attracted considerable and increased attention in the international development community, including the German development policy. Documents such as the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) strategy “Developmentoriented Transformation in Conditions of Fragile Statehood and Poor Government Performance” and the guidelines on dealings with troubled states demonstrate that the German development cooperation has tried to tailor its approaches to these circumstances. This new policy crosses ministry boundaries and sets out a framework of closely action for the German foreign ministry, the defense ministry and the ministry for economic cooperation. This paper gives a short summary of the German policy towards fragile states, portrays their limitations, efforts and strategies for the future.
EN
This paper will deal with the aspects of the question of the role of German to provide more leadership – and of Poland to be more present – in the global development context in the future. It gives a short summary of the German and Polish policy towards developing countries. Relevant topics include the German and Polish development policy guidelines, partner countries, and higher official development assistance (ODA) expenditure. The analysis take look at forthcoming global and development challenges and the role of both countries particular in addressing these challenges.
EN
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government’s support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients’ respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.
PL
W efekcie stosunkowo udanej transformacji systemowej niektóre młode, demokratyczne kraje, które jeszcze w latach 80-tych i 90-tych otrzymywały pomoc demokratyzacyjną, zaangażowały się w charakterze nowych donatorów we wspieranie pro-demokratycznych przemian w mniej rozwiniętych państwach. Relacje pomiędzy post-komunistycznymi donatorami a odbiorcami pomocy można obserwować na przykładzie współpracy rozwojowej Polski i Ukrainy. Artykuł koncentruje się na kwestii polskiego wsparcia rozwojowego, udzielanego Ukrainie w latach 2007–2017 w ramach Polskiej Pomocy. Niniejsza praca ma za zadanie udzielić odpowiedzi na pytania o to czy polskie, rządowe wsparcie dla ukraińskich mediów jest kontynuowane pomimo zmiany partii rządzącej oraz czy polskie organizacje pozarządowe, które realizują pomoc rozwojową w oparciu o finansowanie Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych RP, dopasowują swoje projekty do aktualnych potrzeb beneficjentów wsparcia i aktualnej sytuacji na Ukrainie. Autorki stawiają sobie jako cel zwrócenie uwagi na związki pomiędzy zaangażowaniem państw zewnętrznych i istnieniem niezależnych mediów a procesami demokratyzacji i wysiłkami, jakie podejmowane są przez tzw. nowych donatorów w państwach partnerskich.
EN
This text describes the influence of the European Union’s regulations on the member states’ development cooperation. The article identifies and comments on relevant norms from the two key legal agreements on which the EU is based: the Treaty on European Union, and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It also highlights the content and show’s possible implication of subsidiary EU acts, that are included in the acquis, and need to be accepted by every country willing to join the EU. Currently, the leading and most comprehensive document regulating EU’s development cooperation is the new European consensus on development from 2017, which, formally, is just a non-binding joint statement of the EU institutions and governments. The goal of the text is to show the impact of the EU’s norms, including those non-legally binding, with regard to the creation, and further evolution, of development assistance donors.
PL
Tekst przybliża regulacje unijne dotyczące współpracy rozwojowej i wskazuje mechanizm wpływu, jaki wywierają one na wypełnianie roli donatora przez wstępujące do Unii Europejskiej (UE) państwa. Analiza nie ogranicza się tylko do norm prawnych, płynących choćby z traktatów, ale rozpatruje również dokumenty tworzące zobowiązania o charakterze politycznym, które notabene dominują w sferze unijnej kooperacji rozwojowej. Najbardziej aktualnym zbiorem zasad drugiego typu jest Nowy Europejski Konsensus w sprawie Rozwoju z 2017 r. W tekście weryfikowana jest hipoteza głosząca, że regulacje unijne są czynnikiem bezpośrednio wymuszającym podjęcie roli donatora pomocy rozwojowej przez kraj wstępujący do UE, a następnie determinującym kształt i wielkość jego współpracy rozwojowej.
EN
The paper examines the factors that determined the emergence of non-governmental development organizations (NGDOs) in Poland and their impact on the appropriation of development norms and practices by the Polish aid system. These processes are understood as a natural continuation of, on the one hand, the international appeal of the trade union and mass movement "Solidarność" in the 1980s and, on the other hand, the country’s participation, dating back to the Cold War era, in the system of development aid. The contemporary development cooperation system has been shaped by geo-political factors. Polish aid, however, has also benefited from its cooperation with the NGDO sector, which willingly shared its hands-on experience and know-how in providing humanitarian aid, development cooperation, and global education projects. The indirect influence of foreign donors on Polish development cooperation should likewise be acknowledged.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia czynniki, które ukształtowały ewolucję polskich organizacji pozarządowych zaangażowanych w politykę rozwojową oraz wpływ tych podmiotów na przyswojenie praktyk i norm związanych z międzynarodową współpracą na rzecz rozwoju przez rządowy program „Polska pomoc”. Procesy te są rozumiane jako kontynuacja posłania NSZZ „Solidarność” do ludzi pracy Europy Wschodniej oraz zaangażowania Polski w międzynarodową współpracę na rzecz rozwoju jeszcze z czasów „zimnej wojny”. Współczesny system współpracy rozwojowej ukształtowany został przez czynniki geopolityczne. Niemniej jednak rządowy program „Polska pomoc” zyskał na współpracy z polskim sektorem pozarządowym, który podzielił się swoją wiedzę i doświadczeniem w dostarczaniu pomocy humanitarnej, współpracy rozwojowej oraz edukacji globalnej. Uwzględniono również pośredni wpływ zagranicznych darczyńców w analizowanych procesach.
EN
This paper examines the institutional framework and nature of Austrian development cooperation. The focus is on the development policy discourse led by its main actors, the Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs (BMEIA) and the Austrian Development Agency (ADA). It presents Austrian aid from a regional/neighborhood and global perspective in relation to changing international conditions and global challenges, as the refugee crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine.
PL
Artykuł poddaje analizie ramy instytucjonalne i charakter austriackiej współpracy na rzecz rozwoju. W centrum uwagi jest polityczno-rozwojowy dyskurs prowadzony przez jej głównych aktorów Federalne Ministerstwo Spraw Europejskich i Międzynarodowych (BMEIA) i Austriacką Agencję Rozwoju (ADA). Porównuje regionalny/sąsiedzki i globalny wymiar austriackiej ODA, w odniesieniu do zmieniających się międzynarodowych uwarunkowań i globalnych wyzwań, jak kryzys uchodźczy, pandemia COVID-19 czy wojna w Ukrainie.
PL
Sektor energetyczny należy do priorytetowych obszarów wsparcia polityki rozwojowej Niemiec. Jednocześnie jego ukierunkowanie na zrównoważone wykorzystanie energii w państwach-beneficjentach pomocy rozwojowej pozwala kształtować przewodnią rolę Niemiec w globalnej polityce zrównoważonego rozwoju. Artykuł przedstawia sposób forsowania zrównoważonego wykorzystania energii w niemieckiej współpracy rozwojowej, koncentrując się na wybranych jej aspektach. Na tle kształtowania się koncepcji zrównoważonego rozwoju w międzynarodowym dyskursie omówiona została jego rosnąca rola w kolejnych etapach niemieckiej strategii współpracy na rzecz rozwoju. Jednocześnie zwrócono uwagę na niemiecki potencjał w kształtowaniu pomocy rozwojowej w obliczu nasilających się wielorakich wyzwań zagrażających osiągnięciu celów zrównoważonego rozwoju.
EN
The energy sector is one of the priorities of German development cooperation. The German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) focuses in particular on the areas of renewable energy and energy efficiency in partner countries. This paper gives a short summary of the German policy towards developing states in the energy sector, portrays their limitations, efforts and strategies for the future. It deals with the question of the role of Germany to lay the foundations for a global switch to sustainable energy and to provide more leadership in the global development context in the future. The analysis takes a look at forthcoming global and development threats and the Germany’s potential, particularly in addressing these challenges.
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