Search results

1

Reprezentacja jako przedstawicielstwo i przedstawianie - feministyczne konteksty

100%

Solarska M.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

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2013

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issue 1(4)

119-130

XX

The problem of the representation of women in the social world and historical studies is a crucial theme of the text. It draws attention to the issues of their presence in the public sphere and the search for self-representation. The fundamental problem of historical cognition – building a dialogue between the reality and its narrative presentation or image – creates a context for these considerations.

2

How to Criticize Our Societies Today? Part I: Pragmatic Sociology and Pragmatic Critical Theory as a Social Critique

88%

Znepolski B.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2016

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issue 2

33-48

EN

The article is dedicated to the pragmatic social critique as one of the most influential patterns of contemporary social critique. It is focused on the evolution of Luc Boltan-ski’s pragmatic sociology of the critique, which initially refused to play an overtly criti-cal role and restricted itself to reconstructing the modalities of critique social actors recourse to in their everyday practices. In his most recent publication, however, Boltan-ski seems to return to Pierre Bourdieu’s definition of sociology as a critical sociology. According to Boltanski, the critical vocation of sociology is supposed to answer the increasing critical deficit that social actors experience in the context of contemporary societies with their complex forms of domination. The aim of our study is to make this two-sided transformation comprehensible by putting into question the underlying methodological and political arguments. The prag-matic sociology seems methodologically more convincing but politically weaker than Bourdieu’s critical sociology. Moreover, it seems more legitimate but less efficient in its critical effects. How could this dilemma of social critique opposing requirements of legitimacy and requirements of efficiency be solved?

3

Notes on the Illegal Condition in the State of Extraction. How Not To Be an Informant

88%

Moreiras A.

Review of International American Studies

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2018

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vol. 11

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issue 2

EN

We live, increasingly, in a state of extraction. My thesis is that we have not yet figured out the implications of a primary or fundamental logic of state extraction. We have not figured out its implications for our own predicament-for the predicament, that is, not of state functionaries as such, not of extractors and surveyors, which is a predicament of domination, but the predicament of those who would rather not be dominated, and who understand that giving up on domination is the logical price to be paid. These latter figures, those who refuse domination, those who prefer not to be dominated, hence not to dominate, they might in fact constitute the “borders of the border,” that fantastic fringe territory of the human this conference has decided to thematize and, in some sense, to honor. Let me then reserve that theoretical position, the position of border or hyperborder dwellers, to develop what follows. I will claim that the border of the border is today the site where information will not be shared-an opaque site of silence and secrecy, a place of radical reticence concerning unconcealment.

4

Colourism, Ethnicism and the Logic of Domination in 21st Century Nigeria

88%

Ogbujah C. N.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2021

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issue 1

23-39

EN

The 2016 launch of the courier giant—Dalsey, Hillblom, and Lynn’s (DHL) Advanced Regional Centre (ARC) in Singapore—was significant not just for the scale of the facility and its impressive level of innovation, but for the visual identity and branding of DHL’s red and yellow corporate colours. These colours, as is evident in all branding, set it out from the rest, and have become a symbol of power and domination. This resonates with the use of colour categories to isolate human beings into unjust classes that manifest divisive social and racial hierarchies. The symbolism of colourism and ethnicism viewed either plainly or as metaphors, lies in the “othering” of fellow human beings for discrimination and scapegoating. The markers are the same, whether in the case of George Floyd or the victims of discrimination and/or recurrent massacres in Nigeria. This essay explores how, by creating a visible barge of “otherness,” the current political leadership either shirked responsibility in the face of discriminations, or contrived excuses for the endless massacre of minorities in Nigeria.

5

Struggle of languages for domination in science

88%

Melosik Z.

Edukacja Międzykulturowa

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2023

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vol. 23

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issue 4

15-27

EN

The article contains a reconstruction of the struggle for linguistic dominance in global science over the centuries. In the beginning, the author presents various contexts of the role that Latin played in science in previous centuries. Then he presents the importance of French and German in this regard and the reasons for their decline. In turn, he analyzes the phenomenon of the dominance of English in contemporary global science; from its genesis through its increasing status to nearly its monopoly. What follows is the discussion of the controversies related to the primacy of the English language in scientific discourse: the accompanying epistemological and cultural invasion related to Anglo-Saxon values and the marginalization of native languages. The author also shows the distortion of content, ideas, thoughts and style when translating scientific texts from native languages into English, in order to adapt them to the assumptions of Western culture. However, there are also the views the essence of which is the conviction that publishing in English allows scientists to participate in global science and gain global visibility, as well as those that assume that modern scientific English has got rid of its imperial values and has a neutral nature, it is simply a form of international communication. In conclusion, the author expresses his belief that regardless of the language of publishing, scientists can maintain such values as passion and academic freedom.

6

Egejský seznam - Symbolická nadvláda, či diplomacie?

88%

Bělohoubková D.

Pražské egyptologické studie (Prague Egyptological Studies)

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2014

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issue 12

20-24

EN

The Aegean list has many different interpretations, for example the explanation of toponyms as a result of a military itinerary. This article discusses the possibility of a symbolic perception of this monument and tries to date the toponyms to the reign of Thutmosis III.

CS

Z období vlády Amenhotepa III. (1387–1348 př. n. l.)1 se dochovalo velké množství stavebních památek. Takzvaný egejský seznam, který byl nalezen v Amenhotepově zádušním chrámu na západním břehu Nilu v Thébách na lokalitě Kóm el-Hittán, jíž dodnes vévodí vstupní kolosální sochy panovníka – Memnonovy kolosy (obr. 2), stále podněcuje badatele k množství interpretací. Otázkou zůstává, nakolik může samotný seznam vypovídat o vztazích mezi Egyptem a egejskou oblastí.

7

From Domination to Autonomy: Two Eras of Progress in World-sociological Perspective

88%

Wagner P.

Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)

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2015

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vol. 2

27-44

EN

In recent decades, the belief in progress that was widespread across the two centuries following the French Revolution has withered away. This article suggests, though, that the diagnosis of the end of progress can be used as an occasion to rethink what progress meant and what it might mean today. The proposal for rethinking proceeds in two big steps. First, the meaning of progress that was inherited from the Enlightenment is reconstructed and contrasted with the way progress actually occurred in history. In this step, it is demonstrated that progress was expected through human autonomy, but that it was actually brought about by domination and resistance to domination. A look at the short revival of progress after the middle of the twentieth century will confirm this insight and direct the attention to the transformation of the world over the past half century, on which the second step focuses. This socio-political transformation is analyzed as spelling (almost) the end of formal domination. The current era has often been characterized by the tendencies towards globalization and individualization as well as, normatively, by the increasingly hegemonic commitment to human rights and democracy. A critical analysis of the current socio-political constellation, however, shows that the end of formal domination does not mean the end of history; it rather requires the elaboration of a new understanding of possible progress. Progress can no longer predominantly be achieved through resistance to domination, but rather through autonomous collective action and through the critical interpretation of the world one finds onself in.

8

The wounds of war and the scars of culture: Simone Weil and René Girard on the symmetry of violence

88%

Sosnowska P.

Studia z Teorii Wychowania

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2023

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vol. XIV(2 (43))

131-145

EN

The philosophical discourses of violence developed in the 20th century can be grasped in two fundamental paradigms: the paradigm of force (Simone Weil) and the paradigm of domination (Horkheimer and Adorno). This article aims at situating René Girard’s theory of the culture within the paradigm of violence as an immediate force, stemming from Simone Weil’s phenomenological description of force in The Iliad. Simone Weil can be read as a model for modern reflection on violence in different ways. One of them can be identifying her interpretation of The Iliad as a starting point for the critique or even unmasking of blind reifying violence through the philosophy of culture: an example of this kind of translation can be found in Girard and his analyses of the figure of the scapegoat and rituals of violence, (sanctioned within myth), transferring violence into a sacral sphere. The pivotal point of the comparison is the concept of kydos, “the triumphant fascination of superior violence,” developed by Girard in Violence and the Sacred. The Greek term, which connects violence, understood in the mode of immediate force, with the magical and sacral dimension, serves as a key concept for comparison of the two thinkers’ conceptualizations of force. It allows interpretation of the conceptual tenets of Girardian theory, such as unanimity, symmetry, mimesis, and myth in the light of the key concepts of Weil, such as reification, symmetry, unawareness, and the blind mechanism of force. It also allows us to point out the discrepancies between the two conceptualizations (above all, the tensions between the rationality and irrationality of violence) and to grasp Girard’s theory as a philosophical commentary on Weil’s insights. This is going to fill a space on the map of modern discourses of violence.

9

Modele innowacyjnego rozwoju regionów w świetle teorii rozwoju regionalnego

75%

Dziemianowicz W.

Studia komitetu przestrzennego zagospodarowania kraju PAN

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2017

|

issue 179

24-40

10

One Annihilates the Other, One Cannot Exist Without the Other: Death Becomes Her

75%

Bednarek A.

Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny

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2018

|

issue 2

11

Peryferie w centrum (uwagi). Refleksje po lekturze książki Marty Kurkowskiej-Budzan i Marcina Stasiaka Stadion na peryferiach

75%

Solarska M.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

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2018

|

issue 11, Kulturowa historia wiedzy

369-376

XX

The text indicates a few problems of historical research, which were interestingly taken in the book by Marta Kurkowska-Budzan and Marcin Stasiak "Stadium on the periphery". They are connected above all with: methods of metaphorization used in historical narrative, problematization of the relationship of time experienced and the time of historical narrative, construction of a historical event, the center's and periphery's relationship as a relation of domination and the relationships between the investigators and the respondents. In conclusion, I point to the value of the non-standard approach used by the authors and the traps that are associated with it.

12

The Concept of Violence in the Evolution of Nietzsche’s Thought

75%

Pieniążek P.

Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture

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2019

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vol. 3

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issue 2(8)

13–25

EN

The aim of this paper is to present the idea of violence in Nietzsche’s work, seen as a basic principle that organizes and unites different elements of his philosophy. Violence is one of its crucial categories, which he exploits in his descriptions and analyses of metaphysical, historical and social-cultural reality. In what follows, I shall examine different meanings and renditions of violence in Nietzsche, both in their negative as well as positive aspects. I shall start from an attempt to locate Nietzsche’s understanding of violence within the Western philosophical tradition. Then, I will discuss it in the light of the evolution of Nietzsche’s work. By analyzing the positive and constructive meaning of violence, I shall be able to conclude the essay by emphasizing that in Nietzsche’s political project violence acquires a spiritual and sublime nature.

13

On Sources of Structural Injustice: A Feminist Reading of the Theory of Iris M. Young

75%

Uhde Z.

Human Affairs

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2010

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vol. 20

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issue 2

151-166

EN

The author focuses on a critical theory of justice and democracy by Iris Marion Young. Young's normative approach to justice and the institutional framework of inclusive democracy develops out of her critique of injustice. In the first section the author explains Young's approach to structural injustice, which she conceptualizes in terms of domination and oppression. In the second part the author elucidates Young's concept of the politics of difference and inclusive democracy. In this context Young differentiates between social and cultural groups; this enables her to take into consideration the political significance of group differences. The author goes on to present Young's critical theory of gender based on the notion of women as a social structural group. Young argues that gender refers to social structures that shape relations of subordination and oppression rather than to identity. In the final part the author discusses the application of Young's concept of structural injustice at a transnational level. Finally, she concludes with an outline for a feminist reading of the concept of structural injustice in a transnational context.

14

Problematyczność krytyki rozumu w filozofii Michela Foucaulta i szkoły frankfurckiej

75%

Grzyb A.

Kultura i Wartości

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2012

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issue 2

19-34

EN

This article deals with the problem of the critique of reason, considered here in two contemporary approaches: that of the Frankfurt School and of Michel Foucault. The aim is to analyze both perspectives, to compare them and to question the validity of both critiques. Causes for undertaking such a critical philosophy are also considered. While reconstructing the ways of thinking about reason, two common points are found to be the most important: the historicism of reason and its origins in the ideas of power and domination. These points appear to be the source of the strongest arguments against reason for both approaches, but they have also made their critique dangerous for their own convictions. The critical comparison between Michel Foucault and the Frankfurtians also serves as a pretext for posing a more general question: how and in which conditions is the critique of reason possible to be performed in philosophy at all?

PL

Tematem artykułu jest problem krytyki rozumu, rozważany na przykładzie koncepcji M. Foucaulta oraz szkoły frankfurckiej. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i analiza obu stanowisk, a także ocena trafności i prawomocności dokonanych przez nich krytyk. Zastanawiam się również nad motywami i celami, dla których omawiani myśliciele podjęli takie krytyki. W trakcie ich rekonstrukcji wskazuję na główne ich cechy wspólne: historyczność rozumu oraz oparcie jego podstaw na kategorii panowania (władzy). Są to te cechy, które pozwoliły bohaterom tego artykułu sformułować najsilniejsze argumenty przeciw rozumowi, ale jednocześnie uczyniły ich krytykę niebezpieczną dla ich własnej filozofii. Krytyczna analiza porównawcza stanowiska Foucaulta i frankfurtczyków jest jednocześnie pretekstem do postawienia ogólniejszego pytania o to, w jaki sposób i z jakiej pozycji można dokonać w filozofii zasadnej, czyli rozumnej krytyki rozumu, a z jakiej jest to niemożliwe.

15

Warstwa językowa jako klucz interpretacyjny serialu "Włatcy móch" Bartosza Kędzierskiego

75%

Skowronek B.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia de Cultura

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2010

|

issue 1

65-76

EN

In the article I discuss the linguistic layer of the animated TV series “Włatcy móch”. Main characters’ language realizes assumptions of the “language of rebellion” and it rebels against the society. Standards of communication functioning in the series reveal the domination of machines of reprisal: school, family and church, and forms of rebellion against them. It is expressed mainly by breaking the linguistic taboo (insults, vulgarisms) and social taboo (various obscenities). However, there is no authentism, because these are elements of conscious linguistic creation. The examined series perfectly meets the standards of mainstream, where the language of rebellion is conforming and adjusting to the requirements of the official media market.

16

Tradycja a praktyki dominacji w obrębie płci na przykładzie huculskiego kolędowania

75%

Zynek J. M.

Adeptus

|

2017

|

issue 9

EN

Tradition and the practices of gender domination on the example of hutsul carollingThe Christmas custom of carolling occupies a very special place in the life of Hutsulshchyna inhabitants. Referred to as a religious rite, for a long time Hutsul carolling has been an object of numerous studies that shape ideas about it. In spite of the functioning of many forms of carolling in these areas, both researchers and the inhabitants of the Ukrainian Carpathians recognize as the most important the male form of carolling, which marginalized the role of women. However, on closer inspection it turns out that women also have an exceptional impact on the course of tradition, often taking the initiative in carolling. The article focuses on the, hitherto disregarded in the literature gender, relations within the Hutsul carolling. It also analyses the connection between discourse and social practices manifested in male and female forms of carolling. A look at the official and non-official character of tradition as well as relations between genders and any crises connected with them highlights the domination and symbolic power within the gender domain. Tradycja a praktyki dominacji w obrębie płci na przykładzie huculskiego kolędowaniaBożonarodzeniowy zwyczaj kolędowania zajmuje szczególne miejsce w życiu mieszkańców Huculszczyzny. Określane jako rytuał religijny huculskie kolędowanie od dawna stanowi obiekt wielu prac naukowych, które kształtują wyobrażenia na jego temat. Na tych terenach funkcjonuje wiele form kolędowania. Za najistotniejsze, zarówno badacze, jak i mieszkańcy Karpat ukraińskich, uznają kolędowanie mężczyzn, w którym marginalizowana jest rola kobiet. Przy bliższym przyjrzeniu okazuje się jednak, że również i one mają szczególny wpływ na przebieg tradycji, niejednokrotnie przejmując kolędniczą inicjatywę. Artykuł skupia się na nieuwzględnianych dotąd w literaturze przedmiotu relacjach płci w obrębie huculskiego kolędowania. Analizuje również związek dyskursu i praktyk społecznych przejawiających się w kolędzie kobiecej i męskiej. Przyjrzenie się kwestiom oficjalności i nieoficjalności oraz relacjom między płcią a wszelkiego rodzaju kryzysami pozwala zwrócić uwagę na uwidaczniającą się dominację oraz przemoc symboliczną w obrębie płci.

17

Nauczyciel i jego szanse autonomicznego funkcjonowania w zawodzie (z perspektywy badanych nauczycieli i teorią Pierre’a Bourdieu w tle)

63%

Zalewska-Bujak M.

Studia z Teorii Wychowania

|

2018

|

issue 3 (24)

155-178

PL

W tekście stawiam pytanie o możliwość zaistnienia nauczycielskiej autonomii w szkolnej przestrzeni. Stawiam je w kontekście czynionej przez Bogusława Śliwerskiego długoletniej diagnozy zarządzania polską oświatą oraz szkolną demokracją. Usiłując natomiast udzielić odpowiedzi na nurtujące mnie pytanie, posługuję się niewielkim wycinkiem prowadzonych przez siebie analiz (z wykorzystaniem narzędzi analitycznych wskazanych przez Grahama Gibbsa) i interpretacji przeżytych doświadczeń zawodowych nauczycielek szkół różnego szczebla, do których wprowadzam wybrane elementy teorii Pierre’a Bourdieu.

EN

The paper includes a question related to an opportunity for teachers’ autonomy in school’s space. The question occurs in the context of Bogusław Śliwerski’s long-lasting assessment of managing Polish education and schooling democracy. An attempt to answer my question is based on a part of the analysis (performed by me with the help of the analytical tools indicated by Graham Gibbs) and interpretations of teachers’ professional experiences from various stages of education. They focused on some elements of Pierre Bourdieu’s theory.

18

Przydatność teorii penetracji do analizy dominacji rosyjskiej w Europie Wschodniej po rozpadzie ZSRR – zarys problemu

63%

Weremiuk S.

Przegląd Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego

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2015

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vol. 7

|

issue 12

37-65

PL

Niniejszy artykuł stanowi przyczynek do problemu dominacji rosyjskiej w Europie Wschodniej po rozpadzie ZSRR, dotychczas rzadko podejmowanego w takim ujęciu przez badaczy. W tekście zawarto rozważania nawiązujące do dwóch pytań: dlaczego warto podjąć tytułowy problem oraz jakie mogą być ścieżki metodologiczne w tego typu badaniach? Po 1992 r. Rosja prowadzi specyficzną politykę wobec państw Europy Wschodniej wynikającą z uwarunkowań historycznych oraz mocarstwowych ambicji władców Kremla. Zmiany na arenie międzynarodowej w 2014 r. stworzyły przesłanki do zbadania polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec państw Europy Wschodniej. Nowa sytuacja geopolityczna wymaga również stosowania takich metod badawczych, które pozwoliłyby na pełne wyjaśnienie tych relacji. W procesie analizy należy przyjąć, że podmiotem działania jest Rosja, przedmiotem są natomiast Ukraina, Białoruś i Mołdawia. Kontynuując badania dotyczące dziejów tych państw, należałoby jeszcze dokładniej zbadać obszary dysfunkcjonalności systemu poradzieckiego oraz określić, na ile trwałe było przeniknięcie struktur penetrujących do wnętrza systemów państw Europy Wschodniej, a także, w jakim zakresie po 1991 r. nastąpiło „cofnięcie” regulatora?

EN

The article refers to a rarely undertaken by analysts approach to the problem of the Russian domination over Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The text deals with two basic questions: why the problem of the Russian domination should be the topic of any research and what methodological approaches should be used in such studies? After 1992 Russia has been carrying out a very specific policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe, which arises from historical context and the Kremlins’ rulers’ imperial ambitions. Changes at the international arena in 2014 created conditions for investigating the Russian Federation policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe. The new geopolitical situation also requires the application of such research methods that would allow a full explanation of new political relations. In the process of analysis it should be assumed that Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova are passive subjects of the actions carried out by Russia. Further research of the history of these countries would require investigating the areas of dysfunctionality of the post-Soviet system and determining, to what extent Eastern Europe state systems could be penetrated and to what extent the Russian control was retracted after 1991.

19

Specyfika stosunków polsko-radzieckich w latach 1944-1991

63%

Weremiuk S.

Przegląd Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego

|

2014

|

vol. 6

|

issue 11

43-57

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie cybernetycznego modelu procesu radzieckiej penetracji w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej po II wojnie światowej, który pozwala również na wykrycie i dokonanie analizy procesów penetracyjnych łączących ZSRR z PRL. Przez niespełna pół wieku Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia znajdowała się pod dominacją radziecką. Na końcowym etapie II wojny światowej państwa leżące w tej części Europy stały się obiektem radzieckiej penetracji. Proces ten w poszczególnych państwach wyglądał inaczej – wynikało to z uwarunkowań historycznych (tradycji ulegania państw bloku wschodniego), stosowanych metod i ich skuteczności oraz z zachowania się systemu penetrowanego (podatność na bodźce sterujące, stopień autonomiczności). Penetracja ZSRR była okresowo zakłócana, przede wszystkim wskutek przesileń politycznych w tym państwie, do których dochodziło w momentach zmian na stanowisku sekretarza generalnego KPZR. W latach 80. XX w. radzieckie kierownictwo postawiło imperium przed wyzwaniami współczesności. Uruchomione mechanizmy spowodowały przerwanie procesów penetracyjnych. Nastąpiło przetransformowanie więzów zależności w kierunku wywierania wpływu. Cybernetyczny model penetracji z jednej strony pozwala na przeanalizowanie oraz wyjaśnienie charakteru i działania radzieckich struktur penetrujących, z drugiej zaś stwarza podstawę do rozważań na temat zakresu i skutków radzieckich działań penetracyjnych oraz stopnia zależności państw bloku wschodniego, w tym PRL, od ZSRR.

EN

This article aims at presenting a cybernetic model of the process of Soviet penetration of Eastern and Central Europe after the second world war, which facilitates identification and analysis of the penetration process that linked the Soviet Union with the People’s Republic of Poland. For almost half a century, Central and Eastern Europe has remained under Soviet domination. During the final phase of WW II, the countries in this part of Europe have become a target of Soviet penetration. The process of penetration was country-specific, reflecting historical backgrounds (readiness to subdue showed by the Eastern Bloc countries), methods used and their efficiency as well as the properties of the penetrated systems (sensitivity to incentives imposing control, level of autonomy). The penetration processes had been periodically disturbed by political turning points in the Soviet Union that were inherent to the changes in the position of the Secretary General of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In the 1980s the Soviet leadership made an attempt to adapt the Soviet empire to contemporary challenges. The mechanisms have been activated that disrupted the Soviet penetration- the relationships have been shifted towards the influence. The cybernetic model of penetration allows, on the one hand, to analyze and explain the character and activity of the Soviet penetrating structures, while on the other hand it creates a foundation for reflections on the scope and effects of the Soviet penetration as well as on the level of dependence of the Eastern Bloc countries, including the People’s Republic of Poland on the Soviet Union.

20

Wyobraźnia i kreacja a polityka i władza – na przykładzie prelekcji paryskich Adama Mickiewicza

63%

Głowacka E.

Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media

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2020

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vol. 6

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issue 2

131-148

EN

In the article Imagination and creation versus politics and power – on the example of Paris lectures by Adam Mickiewicz Ewelina Głowacka proposes to examine the vision of history created by Mickiewicz in lectures, in which many conviction about the past were built not so much on facts but on the imagination. The analysis mainly concerns the poet's etymological ideas contained in two lectures of the third course about the origin of the Slavs, where he told the ancient history of these people by studying the etymology of individual words. Using postcolonial theory, the author demonstrates that the historiosophy of lectures given at the Collège de France was a thoughtful strategy designed for specific political effects. As a professor of Slavic literature and languages at the cathedral in Paris, Mickiewicz assumes the role of a spokesperson for the Slavs in the West. The main goal of the poet's speeches was associated with the mission of freeing the Slavs from subordination to Western European countries, and in particular, of winning the independence of the Republic of Poland. As a poet and a visionary, Mickiewicz knew that such changes do not take place only in the military and official domains, but also, and perhaps above all – in the sphere of the imagination. Thus, the poet tried to create a new Slavic myth that would empower the Slavic culture and increase its political significance. In this context, theories of Hobsbawm's invented tradition and Anderson's imagined community are recalled, as they allow for a better understanding of the community-forming dimension of the narrative built by the poet. To outline the origins of Mickiewicz's postcolonial attitude, the poet's early works were also discussed, as already in his student days he exhibited cognitive skepticism about the official historiography and noticed some forms of symbolic violence. From an early age, he also knew that imagination is an indispensable tool of science.

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Reprezentacja jako przedstawicielstwo i przedstawianie - feministyczne konteksty

How to Criticize Our Societies Today? Part I: Pragmatic Sociology and Pragmatic Critical Theory as a Social Critique

Notes on the Illegal Condition in the State of Extraction. How Not To Be an Informant

Colourism, Ethnicism and the Logic of Domination in 21st Century Nigeria

Struggle of languages for domination in science

Egejský seznam - Symbolická nadvláda, či diplomacie?

From Domination to Autonomy: Two Eras of Progress in World-sociological Perspective

The wounds of war and the scars of culture: Simone Weil and René Girard on the symmetry of violence

Modele innowacyjnego rozwoju regionów w świetle teorii rozwoju regionalnego

One Annihilates the Other, One Cannot Exist Without the Other: Death Becomes Her

Peryferie w centrum (uwagi). Refleksje po lekturze książki Marty Kurkowskiej-Budzan i Marcina Stasiaka Stadion na peryferiach

The Concept of Violence in the Evolution of Nietzsche’s Thought

On Sources of Structural Injustice: A Feminist Reading of the Theory of Iris M. Young

Problematyczność krytyki rozumu w filozofii Michela Foucaulta i szkoły frankfurckiej

Warstwa językowa jako klucz interpretacyjny serialu "Włatcy móch" Bartosza Kędzierskiego

Tradycja a praktyki dominacji w obrębie płci na przykładzie huculskiego kolędowania

Nauczyciel i jego szanse autonomicznego funkcjonowania w zawodzie (z perspektywy badanych nauczycieli i teorią Pierre’a Bourdieu w tle)

Przydatność teorii penetracji do analizy dominacji rosyjskiej w Europie Wschodniej po rozpadzie ZSRR – zarys problemu

Specyfika stosunków polsko-radzieckich w latach 1944-1991

Wyobraźnia i kreacja a polityka i władza – na przykładzie prelekcji paryskich Adama Mickiewicza