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EN
Article 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland invokes the idea of social justice without specifying its understanding. The present analysis deals with the problems of characterising it as equality of opportunities (possibilities) in the form of luck egalitarianism. Based on hypothetical examples, we have attempted to show that the social justice, which consists in the enforcement of equal rights, whether they are maximalist or merely positive, faces serious theoretical obstacles. The article contains three main theses. The first thesis is that it is impossible to enforce equal rights in maximalist terms. The second thesis states that the luck egalitarian project of equalizing opportunities for the younger generation by redistributing resources seized through the liquidation of inheritances shows the incoherence of the rules of justice. The third thesis is that luck egalitarianism violates the principle of consistency. For the above reasons, such an understanding of social justice as equality of opportunity in the form of luck egalitarianism should be excluded from the interpretation of Article 2 of the Polish Constitution.
EN
The article discusses the key theories, concepts, and notions used in comparative research into intergenerational social class mobility. More specifically, it discusses the Featherman, Jones, and Hauser hypothesis about cross-national similarity in social class mobility, describes a distinction between absolute and relative social mobility, and presents the Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero class scheme. After discussing the results of both classical and recent studies on intergenerational social class mobility, this paper deals with the evidence-based policy recommendations relevant for decision-makers who can influence within certain limits the extent to which the rate of intergenerational social mobility can be equalised.
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2015
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vol. 6
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issue 1
72–81
EN
In the past fifty years our knowledge of talent development in the schools has vastly improved, putting the quality of the teacher center stage. Gradually we are also improving our understanding of the contribution of education to talents in the form of character skills. Less well researched is the impact of the organizational form of the delivery of education on learning, although some steps have been made in understanding the importance of the empowerment of teachers. The demands for skills have, in the meantime, shifted towards non-routine work, while character skills have become more important. At the same time, the wage distribution has become more unequal and is likely to remain so in the near future. The education system has been slow to take this external world on board because education policy is often too partisan, too party-political to provide a stable structure for change. Funding of education and equality of opportunity have not been advanced as they should because of social myopia: other sectors or social goals with an immediate impact on citizens are prioritized in the political process, while education is an investment which only pays off after a long time.
PL
The article is a paper presented during the Poland-wide academic conference The U.S. Constitution – theory and practice. The basis for reflections constitutes an issue of the constitutionality of the federal legislation establishing restrictions on the money’s influence on financing election campaigns. The paper focuses on an analysis of the U.S. Supreme Court’s case law related to the range of an acceptable interference of such regulations in the freedom of speech and political expression clause of the First Amendment to the Constitution. The author discusses selected statements contained in the rulings made in cases, from which as the most crucial he regards: Buckley v. Valeo (1976), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (2003) and Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010). In the conclusion of the article an opinion is presented that the U.S. Supreme Court judicature, co-creating with the federal legislation the campaign finance law, is an unique attempt at balancing the two values fundamental to the democratic election process, which are freedom of speech and the principle of equal opportunities for political competitors.
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PL
Artykuł analizuje wpływ mobilności uczniów na ich sortowanie pomiędzy szkoły i klasy. Strategia dla uzyskania związków przyczynowo-skutkowych opiera się na dwustopniowej strukturze polskiego systemu edukacji powszechnej oraz różnicach w gęstości szkół pomiędzy gminami. Miara homogeniczności studentów oparta jest na Matrycach Ravena. Wyniki pokazują, że większa mobilność uczniów zwiększa ich sortowanie pomiędzy szkołami oraz klasami. Dodatkowa analiza sugeruje, że popyt na wysoką jakość rówieśników motywuje dyrektorów szkół do tworzenia specjalistycznych klas.
EN
This study investigates whether improving student mobility leads to greater sorting of students between schools and classes. I isolate an exogenous change in student mobility using the two-stage design of the Polish comprehensive education system and differences in school density across geographic areas. I construct a novel measure of student homogeneity based on Raven’s Progressive Matrix test score. One finding is that higher mobility leads to greater sorting of students between schools. Another, more novel, result shows that mobility also leads to higher sorting within a school (across classes). I provide suggestive evidence that demand for peer quality among students motivates school principals to create selective tracks within comprehensive schools.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie roli Karty Różnorodności Forum Odpowiedzialnego Biznesu w promocji zarządzania różnorodnością w polskich firmach, zwłaszcza pod kątem równości płci, oraz pokazanie uwarunkowań historycznych i polskich wyzwań w tym obszarze, a także inicjatyw i perspektyw dalszego rozwoju działań wspierających równość kobiet i mężczyzn. W tekście wykorzystano własne analizy przygotowane na podstawie danych ze światowych indeksów i polskich badań.
EN
The objective of this paper is the presentation of the role of the Polish Diversity Charter in promoting diversity management in Polish companies, especially gender equality. It takes a look at the historic background, challenges facing Poland in this area, and initiatives and perspectives for the further development of efforts fostering the equality of men and women. The paper uses proprietary analyses prepared on the basis of global indexes and Polish research.
EN
The article presents the results of own research, the aim of which was to get to know opinionson gender-based equal opportunities for academic employees of the oldest pedagogical universityin Poland among these employees and among the students. The results demonstrated the occurrence of gender discrimination at the university.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań własnych, których celem było poznanie opinii na temat równości szans pracowników i pracowniczek akademickich najstarszej uczelni pedagogicznej w Polsce wśród tychże pracowników oraz wśród osób w niej studiujących. Uzyskane wyniki wykazały, że w badanej uczelni występuje zjawisko dyskryminacji ze względu na płeć.
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