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EN
The essay considers three recently discovered works of medieval fiction with subject matter largely from antiquity (Gesta Romanorum, Asenech [Joseph and Aseneth], Kronika o Apolloniovi [Apollonius of Tyre], published in the early sixteenth century. They are, however, preserved only in fragments. The printer was Mikuláš Bakalář of Pilsen, who specialized in medieval literature that aimed to amuse.
PL
W artykule analizowana jest tradycja egzemplów w powieści „Matylda i Daniło” Anny Mostowskiej (1806). W tym celu przywołano narracje pochodzące z dwóch zbiorów: „Wielkiego zwierciadła przykładów” Joannesa Majora (tłumaczenie polskie: Szymon Wysocki, 1612) oraz „Historyj świeżych i niezwyczajnych” Michała Jurkowskiego (1. połowa XVIII wieku). Ukazano „długie trwanie” pewnych schematów fabularnych oraz motywów (motyw ducha-pokutnika, stosunek do życia zakonnego, ukazanie cierpień duszy czyśćcowej czy problem odkupienia grzechów i zbawienia jednostki), obecnych tak w kaznodziejskich przykładach, jak i w analizowanej powieści. Wzorce zachodnioeuropejskiej powieści grozy zmodyfikowane zostały w utworze poprzez konwencje tekstów użytkowych – egzemplów.
EN
The paper analyses the tradition of exempla in Anna Mostowska’s novel Matylda i Daniło (Matylda and Danilo) (1809). To effectuate this task, it recalls the narrations from two collections, namely Joannes Major’s “Wielkie zwierciadło przykładów” (“Great Mirror of Examples)” (Polish translation by Szymon Wysocki from the year 1612) and Michał Jurkowski’s “Historyje świeże i niezwyczajne” (“Fresh and Unusual Stories)” (the first part of the 18th c.). The article reveals the ‘long-lasting’ of certain fictional schemes and motifs (a penitent ghost, attitude to monastic life, suffering of a purgatory soul, or the redemption of sins and salvation of an individual) present both in the preacher’s examples and in the novel in question. The patterns of Western European horror novel are in Mostowska’s piece modified through the conventions of applied texts—exempla.
EN
The study deals with examples of revenants in the Bohemical Catholic early modern religious prose of the 17th and 18th centuries (postils, eschatological literature, catechisms). It notes the relations between medieval and early modern productions, in particular by transforming visual and audial motifs, and a new emphasis on the verification of history (sources, dating). The main part of the study is a typology of the narrative: the dead appear because of confession (especially imperfect, to show its importance for salvation); to prove the judgment of God (of a supposedly virtuous man); to complete a task or agreement concluded in life. The greatest number of narratives describe the return of revenants from Purgatory to inform people of its form, time in Purgatory, punishment. The revenants help the living or demand help for themselves. The conclusion of the study is devoted to the displacement of revenant history from spiritual literature at the end of the 18th century. This change is illustrated by the views of a south Bohemian teacher, Antonín Borový
EN
Some scholars have recently tried to show that the problems in the Christian community at Corinth were caused in a particular way by women wishing to have a more significant role within the community, and that the primary purpose of Saint Clement’s Letter to the Corinthians was to bring them to order and to show them their proper place in the community’s life and activity. The current study primarily tries to show that Prima Clementis was addressed to the entire Corin­thian community. This is followed by an analysis of the passages in which Saint Clement presents the feminine figures of the Old Testament: Miriam (the sister of Moses and Aaron), Lot’s wife, Rahab, Judith, and Esther, and interprets them in the context of the Christian situation at Corinth. In this way, it is shown that Cle­ment, by using the exempla method, creates the image of a perfect, ordered, and harmonious community in which women are outstanding for their strong faith, love, and hospitality.
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Desatero kázanie božie

71%
Bohemistyka
|
2022
|
issue 4
517-524
EN
Satirical work Desatero kázanie božie from the 14th century is based on triadic principle, there are three examples of minor offence, the work consists of twelve architectonic units etc. The composition contains examples and as for the architectonics it is framed by a prologue and an epilogue. The text recorded in continuo tends to partial stanzettas.
CS
Satirické dílo Desatero kázanie božie ze 14. století je založeno na triadickém principu, jsou zde tři ukázky drobného provinění, dílo se skládá z dvanácti architektonických celků. Skladba je prostoupena exemply a je architektonicky zarámována prologem a epilogem. Text zaznamenaný in continuo naznačuje tendenci k dílčím strofettám.
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54%
PL
Powstałe u schyłku XIII w. kazania Peregryna z Opola należą nie tylko do narzędzi „nowej ewangelizacji”, której dokonywały w tym stuleciu zakony żebracze, ale są również jednymi z najpopularniejszych w całej Europie, aż do wieku XVI. Z tego względu można je uznać za dość reprezentatywne dla nauczania z końca Średniowiecza. W ich świetle ciekawie przedstawiają się poruszające problem demonologii prace dwóch sławnych historyków kultury: Georgesa Minoisa i Jeana Delumeau’a. Pierwszy z tych uczonych jest zdania, że około 1250 r. nastąpiło teoretyczne usystematyzowanie zjawiska zwanego duszpasterstwem strachu, które polegało na poprawy moralności wiernych metodą przerażania wizjami zaświatów. Tymczasem Jean Delumeau jest zupełnie innego zdania. Uważa on, że nastąpiło to zdecydowanie później, a symbolicznym słupem granicznym początku nadpływającej fali satanizmu jest Boska komedia (której autor zmarł w 1321 r.). Delumeau uważa, że to dopiero od XIV wieku, a więc u progu Renesansu, następuje powolna, ale sukcesywna „demoniczna inwazja”, która minie z wolna dopiero w XVII stuleciu. Celem referatu jest skonfrontowanie tych sprzecznych opinii z kazaniami Peregryna z Opola przy jednoczesnym wydobyciu demonologii tego kaznodziei. Szczególnie bowiem na uwagę zasługują tu jego egzempla, w których stosunkowo często zostaje przywołana wizja zaświatów, w tym również piekła. Równie często w kazaniach pojawia się postać demoniczna. Analiza tych rozproszonych wzmianek uwidacznia, że diabeł, szatan, czy zły duch, jeśli znajduje się u siebie w piekle, jest okrutnym siepaczem, ale zarazem jest ograniczony pilnowaniem adekwatności kary do czynu. Z kolei zaś, gdy znajduje się pośród ludzi, stara się do nich upodobnić i czyha jedynia na ich błąd, sam będąc ograniczonym w działaniach. Taka postać złego jest więc tylko karzącym ramieniem sprawiedliwości w czym uwidacznia się uporządkowana wizja świata, inna od tej, którą opisywał Georges Minois.
EN
Created at the end of the 13th century the sermons of Peregrinus Opoliensis are not only tools of the “new evangelisation”, which had been conducted in that century by the mendicant orders, but are also some of the most popular in the whole Europe, until the 16th century. And because of this, they can be considered as representative for the teachings of the late Middle Ages. In this context the works of two famous historians of culture: George Minois and Jean Delumeau, discussing the problem of demonology, are especially interesting. The former of the academics claims that about the year of 1250 took place the theoretic systematisation of the phenomenon called “preaching of fear”, which was the improvement of the morality of the faithful with the method of terrifying them with the vision of the beyond. Yet Jean Delumeau’s claims are completely different. He states that it is not before the 14th century that everything changes and that it is then that the repression of the diabolic matters, which was succeeded by the classical age of cathedrals, makes way for the progressive demonic invasion. The Divine Comedy (which’s author died in 1321) marks the symbolic transformation from one age to another and the moment when the religious awareness of the western elite begins to cease to resist the wave of Satanism. It would recover not before the 17th century. The aim of the paper is the confrontation of those contradictory opinions with the sermons of Peregrinus Opoliensis along with simultaneous extraction of the preacher’s demonology. His exempla demand special attention, as in them often the vision of the beyond, including hell, is relatively often summoned. Equally often the demonic figure appears in the sermons. The analysis of those scattered mentions reveals that the devil, Satan, or evil spirit, if present in his hell, is a cruel executioner, however he is also limited by the guarding of the adequacy of the punishment to the deed. But when he is among the people, he attempts to become similar to them and lurks for their mistakes, being himself limited in his actions. Such a figure of the evil one is thus only a punishing arm of justice, through which an organised vision of the world is revealed, distinct from the one, which has been describes by George Minois.
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