Search results

1

KWESTIA EUROPEJSKA W PROGRAMACH POLSKIEJ LEWICY PO 1989 ROKU. PRZEGLĄD STANOWISK

100%

MAŁYSA K.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2014

|

issue 3(12)

93-105 (13)

EN

The article presents a discussion conducted pertaining to Poland’s place in Europe, and European conceptions in political thought in the left wing parties. The left supported the process of European integration with the exception of the Polish Communist Party. Now, the left stand for an inclusive society based on principles of equality, freedom and solidarity. The left’s vision is for an idea of a social Europe. So, the left postulates a new European economic strategy to create sustainable development, protect social rights and guarantee universal access to social security.

2

Relacje polsko-ukraińskie na łamach tygodnika „Przymierze” ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem publicystyki Joachima Wołoszynowskiego

100%

Szczepkowska E.

Media – Kultura – Komunikacja Społeczna

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2013

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issue 9

99-113

XX

The article concerns the content of the periodical “Przymierze” [“Alliance”] published in Poland in the period 1920–1921. It takes the cultural, historical and political aspects of Polish-Ukrainian relations into consideration. The focus of numerous articles in the paper “Przymierze” is the idea of a federation represented by Piłsudski and his supporters and its defeat as a result of the Treaty of Riga. The article presents the political activity of Joachim Wołoszynowski and his profile as a supporter of Ukraine, the father of the idea of cooperativity in Podole, the editor of the Kiev newspaper and a politician in the Republic of Poland. His articles confirms the views of the author and his interests.

3

Czy „zróżnicowana integracja” może prowadzić do federacji w Europie?

100%

Grosse T. G.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 1(354)

21-36

EN

The main purpose of this article is an attempt to answer the question whether the phenomenon of "differentiated integration" can accelerate a federal system in the European Union. The starting point of the method used in the article is an attempt to define the terms federation and confederation, as well as to distinguish the federal and confederal characteristics of the previous processes of integration in Europe. Then three main models of differentiated integration in the political discourse on the future of the integration in Europe are examined. Analysis of these models indicates whether they favor a more federal structure in Europe or hinder this systemic change, among others, enhancing confederal features of the political system in the European Union. The main conclusions of a theoretical nature are then confronted with the analysis of changes in the European integration during the eurozone crisis (2010-2014). Did it favor reforms towards a democratic federation in Europe? Could the trend towards differentiated integration (or forming the so-called Two-speed Europe) facilitate such federation? Or could it serve very different political and systemic tendencies in Europe?

4

Niemiecka samorządność terytorialna. Bilans pozjednoczeniowego trzydziestolecia przemian ustrojowo-strukturalnych

88%

Honka N.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

|

issue 2 (375)

85-109

EN

Local government is one of the most important institutions of a democratic rule of law in Germany. Its position and role was basically shaped immediately after the end of World War II. The purpose of this article is an attempt to present and evaluate the systemic and structural changes that have taken place in German local government within 30 years of the post-unification period. The hypothesis of this study is as follows: The political and structural changes of German local government in the last 30 years have been directed towards making the activities of its bodies and institutions more effective as well as strengthening and deepening democracy, influencing the authorities in power, rather than towards forming a unified law and model of local government. The issue of the political and structural transformation of the German local government can be analyzed from the point of view of the political sciences, legal sciences, historical sciences and geographical sciences. This is made possible by the multidimensional and diverse matter of this issue. Therefore, the methods used in the course of the present study were those appropriate to the historical sciences, the statistical method, the method of system analysis, the institutional and legal method, the decision-making method and the deductive method, as well as research techniques such as the examination of documents, analysis and criticism of the existing literature of the subject and secondary analysis of the results of research conducted by other authors. It was found in the course of the study that the political and structural transformations of the German local government which took place as a result of non-unified reforms did not lead to the creation of a uniform local government legislation for the whole country, despite the similarity of many legal solutions. These changes served the purpose of a more effective management of various forms of territorial self-government, the development of democracy and a greater influence of citizens on public authorities.

5

Koncepcja integracji wspólnotowej Paula-Henriego Spaaka

88%

Madeja A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 4(353)

7-24

PL

Paul-Henri Spaak słusznie zaliczany jest w poczet tzw. europejskich „ojców założycieli”. Po upadku projektu Europejskiej Wspólnoty Obronnej stał się on pomysłodawcą nowych i zwieńczonych sukcesem inicjatyw. Rozwinął bliską współpracę z J. Monnetem i J.W. Beyenem. W pełni zasługuje on na miano ojca Traktatów Rzymskich, szczególnie zaś Traktatu o EWG. Spaak był głęboko przekonany o zasadności współpracy międzynarodowej. Jej efektywność wymagała jednak ograniczenia suwerenności. Termin „ponadnarodowy” miał dla niego inne znaczenie niż dla J. Monneta. Pogląd Spaaka bliższy był opinii R. Schumana i K. Adenauera. Nie zrezygnował on z idei organu ponadnarodowego, lecz jego model wspólnotowy nie musiał obejmować potężnej i dominującej instytucji ponadnarodowej. „Ponadnarodowość” oznaczała dlań większościowy tryb podejmowania decyzji. Spaak, podobnie jako K. Adenauer, uznał ostatecznie wyższość schematu integracji horyzontalnej (ogólnej). Ostatecznym celem jego wysiłków była federacja. Posiadałaby ona rozległe uprawnienia w sferze stosunków zewnętrznych, bezpieczeństwa militarnego oraz polityk ekonomicznych. Nie miała jednak doprowadzić do zaniku państw. Wspólnota Gospodarcza wraz z różnymi

EN

Paul Henri Spaak is rightly counted among the European Founding Fathers. After a debacle of the European Defense Community project (30 August 1954) it was Spaak who became a fruitful source of new and efficient initiatives. He closely collaborated with J. Monnet and J.W. Beyen but formulation of a new model of community structure was his own achievement. Thereby Spaa k fully deserves the name of the father of the Treaties of Rome, especially of the European Economic Community. Spaak was deeply convinced about the validity of international cooperation. Its efficiency required limitation of sovereignty. Yet Spaak represe nted a different understanding of the term “ supranational ” than Monnet. His view was closer to R. Schuman ’ s and K. Adenauer ’ s. He did not abandon the idea of a supranational organ but the community model did not have to comprise a powerful and dominating s upranational institution. For him “ supranationality ” meant a majority mode of decisions - making. Due to such an assumption an organ comprising representatives of national governments could be recognized as supranational. Another modification referred to the scope of community remit. Spaak, just like K. Adenuer, eventually “ converted ” to a horizontal, i.e. comprehensive model. As to the final goal, he wished to create a federation. It should be broadly empowered in matters of foreign relations, military secur ity and economic policies. Yet states would not disappear. The EEC and various forms of intergovernmental cooperation in the political sphere were measures serving the attainment of the goal.

6

Koncepcja integracji wspólnotowej Paula-Henriego Spaaka

88%

Madeja A.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2014

|

issue 4(353)

7-24

EN

Paul Henri Spaak is rightly counted among the European Founding Fathers. After a debacle of the European Defense Community project (30 August 1954) it was Spaak who became a fruitful source of new and efficient initiatives. He closely collaborated with J. Monnet and J.W. Beyen but formulation of a new model of community structure was his own achievement. Thereby Spaak fully deserves the name of the father of the Treaties of Rome, especially of the European Economic Community. Spaak was deeply convinced about the validity of international cooperation. Its efficiency required limitation of sovereignty. Yet Spaak represented a different understanding of the term “supranational” than Monnet. His view was closer to R. Schuman’s and K. Adenauer’s. He did not abandon the idea of a supranational organ but the community model did not have to comprise a powerful and dominating supranational institution. For him “supranationality” meant a majority mode of decisions-making. Due to such an assumption an organ comprising representatives of national governments could be recognized as supranational. Another modification referred to the scope of community remit. Spaak, just like K. Adenuer, eventually “converted” to a horizontal, i.e. comprehensive model. As to the final goal, he wished to create a federation. It should be broadly empowered in matters of foreign relations, military security and economic policies. Yet states would not disappear. The EEC and various forms of intergovernmental cooperation in the political sphere were measures serving the attainment of the goal.

7

Flamandowie i Walonowie – dwa narody w jednym państwie: polityczne i kulturowe dylematy Belgów

88%

Klepka R.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

|

issue 5(31/1)

459-481

EN

Belgium often is of interest to social scientists and the public. This is not merely a consequence of the fact that Brussels is the political heart of Europe. Difficulties with the appointment of the government, the extreme multi‑party system, disputes about the competence of Communities and Regions, the gradual social and cultural divergence between the Flemish and the Walloons are only the most important problems of modern Belgium. Initially, monolingual, through Flemish Movement’s activities, Belgium became a state that recognizes Dutch. Successive reforms have resulted in federalisation of the state. These changes do not resolve the problems of Belgium. Cultural diversity and political instability still provoke questions about the future of Belgium.

8

Can ‘Differentiated Integration’ Lead to a Federationin Europe?

88%

Grosse T. G.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

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2015

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issue 18

15-38

EN

This article explores whether the phenomenon of ‘differentiated integration’ can accelerate the federalisation of the European Union. In particular, it analyses the crisis of the euro area (focused on the period 2010–2014). Did this crisis favour reforms which could turn the EU into a democratic federation? Could the trend towards differentiated integration (or the concept of the so-called ‘two-speed Europe’) facilitate the creation of a federation? Ordoes it feed political and systemic tendencies that run opposite to federalism?

9

The state of democracy in the European Union in scenarios: federation, empire and Europe à la carte

75%

Witkowska M.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2015

|

vol. 2015 (38)(4)

90-108

EN

The aim of the article is to present possible scenarios on maintaining democracy in the EU, while assuming different hypothetical directions in which it could develop as a federation, empire and Europe à la carte. Selected mechanisms, norms and values of the EU system that are crucial for the functioning of democracy in the European Union are the subject of this research. The abovementioned objective of scenario development is achieved through distinguishing the notions of policy, politics and polity in the research. In the analysis of the state of democracy in the European Union both the process (politics) and the normative approach (policy) have been adopted. The characterised norms, structures, values and democratic procedures in force in the EU will become a reference point for the projected scenarios. The projection refers to a situation when the existing polity transforms into a federation, empire or Europe à la carte. The article is to serve as a projection and is a part of a wider discussion on the future of the basis on which the European Union is build.

10

СЛОВАЦЬКE НАЦІОНАЛЬНE ПИТАННЯ В ЧССР НАПЕРЕДОДНІ «ПРАЗЬКОЇ ВЕСНИ» 1968 РОКУ

75%

Vovkanych I., Shnitser I.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2018

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issue 27

EN

The article sheds the light on the key reasons for the aggravation of the Slovak national issue in ČSSR on the eve of the Prague Spring 1968. Particularly, a great attention is paid to the policy of “approaching” of the peoples, the asymmetric model in Czech-Slovak state and legal relations, the low level of economic development of the Slovak lands. The idea of “convergence” of the Czechs and the Slovaks, combined with the voluntarist tendencies in the ideology and political practice of the socialist country, gradually began to approach a peculiar, communist interpretation of the political “Czechoslovakism” from the interwar period. In the framework of the policy of “convergence” of peoples in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s, there was a process of centralizing all institutions that still retained formal independence in Slovakia. The initiative to eliminate the last remnants of Slovak self-government came personally from President A. Novotny and led to the complication of Czech-Slovak relations in the state. In 1967, in the field of view of the leadership of the Communist Party of Slovak Republic, in addition to the national, there were also socio-economic issues. This was due to the fact that the restructuring of the Slovak economy, which envisaged the economic and social equalization of the Slovak lands with the Czech regions of the country in the second half of the 1960’s, did not bring the expected results. Slovak national issue in 1967 was stressed. This fact accelerated the formation of the reformation wing in the ruling communist`s party. Its representatives were strongly against the policy of А. Novotný. Therefore, the course on the democratization of the society was declared. The regulation of the Czech-Slovak state and legal relations by means of reformation of the country on the federal basis was announced. Communist reformers, led by O. Dubchek, recognized that the equality of Czechs and Slovaks had damaged by the asymmetry of the state system. Thus, the “Program of Action of the Communist Party of Czechoslovak Republic” advocated the development of a federal system, which was considered the best state legal form of coexistence of equal peoples in one socialist state.

11

Pojęcie, powstanie i reprezentatywność drugich izb parlamentu na przykładzie Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki, Federacji Rosyjskiej i Republiki Federalnej Niemiec

75%

Hadała A.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2018

|

issue 5 (45)

31-47

EN

The notion, genesis and representativeness of the second chambers of parliament on the example of the United States of America, the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany

12

The rise and fall of the Mali Federation

75%

Homańska A.

African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies

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2022

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issue 1

57-64

EN

The Mali Federation may be perceived as one of the first African attempts at regional integration. After the Loi-cadre was enacted in 1959, the French colonies started their path toward independence, and they sought for cooperation. However, both views on the future relationship with the Fifth Republic and internal disputes over power distribution came as their most significant threats. The author analyses the idea and the creation of the Mali Federation, taking into consideration the political and historical factors. The aim of this paper is to present a general overview of one of the first and most important independence movements in West Africa. The federation was to consist initially of 4 states, but eventually, only 2 of them, i.e., French Sudan and Senegal, decided to adopt its constitution. Those two countries shared many similarities with each other; however, the lack of agreement between the parties prevented the effective functioning of the federation as a sovereign state. Although it existed only for two months, the Mali Federation marked the possibilities and the difficulties for the African cooperation and integration processes for the next decades.

13

Współpraca regionalna w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w koncepcjach Międzynarodowej Unii Chłopskiej

63%

Stępka S.

Społeczeństwo i Polityka

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2019

|

issue 3(60)

115-127

PL

Międzynarodowa Unia Chłopska w swoim programie za najważniejsze zadania uznała: powstrzymanie ekspansji komunizmu, walkę o wolność i demokrację, rozszerzenie współpracy gospodarczej przez państwa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz poszukiwanie nowych form działania. Przywódcy Unii zakładali, że po upadku komunizmu i wybiciu się na niepodległość narodów tej części Europy należy przystąpić do zacieśniania współpracy wewnątrzregionalnej i kontynentalnej. Przewidywano utworzenie trzech federacji regionalnych. Zakładano, że będą one współtworzyć strukturę obejmującą cały kontynent europejski. Zgodnie z przyjętymi koncepcjami miały stanowić jedność pod względem politycznym, gospodarczym, społecznym i kulturalnym. Federacje regionalne byłyby swego rodzaju kluczem do przywrócenia politycznej i kulturowej jedności Starego Kontynentu. W wyniku urzeczywistnienia tych założeń Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia miała stanowić pomost między Wschodem i Zachodem. Miała także zabezpieczać ten region przed zagrożeniem ze strony Związku Radzieckiego i Niemiec.

EN

In its program, the International Peasant Union recognized the following tasks as the most important: halting the expansion of communism, fi ghting for freedom and democracy, expanding economic cooperation between the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and seeking new forms of action. Union leaders assumed that after the fall of communism and the independence of the peoples of this part of Europe, it was necessary to proceed with strengthening intra-regional and continental cooperation. The creation of three regional federations was envisaged. It was assumed that they would co-create a structure covering the entire European continent. According to the adopted concepts, they were supposed to constitute unity in political, economic, social and cultural terms. Regional federations were expected to be a kind of key to restoring the political and cultural unity of the Old Continent. As a result of these assumptions, Central and Eastern Europe was supposed to be a bridge between the East and the West. It was also supposed to protect this region against the threat of the Soviet Union and Germany.

14

Democratization and federalization. A comparative perspective between Russia’s and Spain’s early forays into a federal system

63%

Suárez A. P.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2023

|

vol. 2(38)

51-61

EN

Undoubtedly, Russia occupies a distinct position within the political landscape, differentiating it from Western democracies that themselves exhibit considerable variation. This uniqueness can be attributed, in part, to Russia’s geographic characteristics, encompassing diverse subdivisions characterized by variations in population, natural resources, territorial expanse, and distance from the central authority. However, what truly distinguishes Russia is its contemporary history and recent experiences with federalization- a framework that has defined its operations since it became the Russian Federation following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The objective of this paper is to analyze the distinctive features of Russian federalism in its early stages, employing a comparative perspective against the Spanish case, in order to ascertain the consequences of the legal, organizational, and territorial arrangements established during Russia’s early democratization period. The focus is to evaluate the implications of these changes on the establishment of a legally-binding democracy and a well-functioning federation, ultimately questioning whether Russia genuinely qualifies for either of these classifications.

15

Economic integration in the face of new challenges for the European economy

63%

Markowski Ł., Warżała R.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2023

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vol. 85

|

issue 1

225-238

PL

Ostatnie wydarzenia w gospodarce światowej, tj. pandemia oraz wojna w Ukrainie, mają szczególne implikacje dla krajów wchodzących w skład najbardziej zaawansowanego ugrupowania integracyjnego na świecie – Unii Europejskiej (UE). Aby sprostać nowym trudnościom, UE musi podlegać ciągłym przemianom, gdyż pozostawienie niezmiennej struktury może oznaczać w konsekwencji zastój i upadek. Celem artykułu jest ocena uwarunkowań funkcjonowania Unii Europejskiej w obliczu nowej „popandemicznej” rzeczywistości i konsekwencji wojny w Ukrainie oraz przegląd perspektyw jej dalszej integracji. W pracy wykorzystano podejście diagnostyczne, które polega na ustaleniu stanu faktycznego, jego ocenie oraz rozważeniu możliwości udoskonalenia. Wyniki podjętych rozważań pozwalają przypuszczać, iż stabilności (a nawet przetrwaniu UE) bardziej wydają się sprzyjać inicjatywy integracyjne nawiązujące do koncepcji neofunkcjonalnej i federacyjnej aniżeli konfederacyjnej. Uzasadnione jest zwiększenie roli politycznego efektu spill-over oraz założeń ekonomii heterodoksyjnej. Doświadczenia historyczne skłaniają do wniosku, iż brak podjęcia odpowiednich inicjatyw grozi uruchomieniem mechanizmu dezintegracji, a w konsekwencji – upadkiem projektu integracji europejskiej.

EN

Recent events in the world economy, such as the pandemic and the war in Ukraine, have special implications for the countries that are part of the most advanced integration group in the world – the European Union (EU). In order to face new challenges, the EU must constantly evolve, because leaving the structure unchanged could mean stagnation and collapse. The paper aims to assess the functioning of the European Union in the conditions of the new ‘post-pandemic’ reality and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and to review the prospects for further integration. The paper uses a diagnostic approach that involves establishing the actual state of affairs, assessing it, and considering the possibility of its improvement. As a result of the considerations undertaken, it can be assumed that the stability (and even the survival) of the EU seem to be favoured more by integration initiatives referring to the neo-functional theory and federal approach rather than the confederal approach. It is justified to increase the role of the political spill-over effect and the assumptions of heterodox economics. Historical experience leads to the conclusion that failure to take appropriate initiatives may trigger the disintegration mechanism and, consequently, the collapse of the European integration project.

16

Kształt systemu politycznego Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej

63%

Misiaszek M., Wrzalik M.

Zeszyt Studencki Kół Naukowych Wydziału Prawa i Administracji UAM

|

2017

|

issue 7

135-149

PL

System polityczny Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej jest systemem, który stanowi przykład dla współczesnych rozwiązań demokratycznych. Specyfika oddolnej organizacji państwa szwajcarskiego sugeruje, by specyfiki jego funkcjonowania poszukiwać od poziomu gminy poprzez kanton ku całej federacji. Należy wskazać, że filarem szwajcarskiego federalizmu jest silna samodzielność kantonów wobec władzy federalnej. Warto podkreślić, że specyficzny charakter systemu rządów oparty jest o zasadę dominacji parlamentu, układ zależności pomiędzy poszczególnymi instytucjami władzy państwowej przyczyniają się do instytucjonalnego zdominowania procesów politycznych, przy tym ograniczony do minimum stopień politycznej rywalizacji sprzyja z jednej strony realizacji merytorycznych działań politycznych, z drugiej stabilności. Należy również wskazać na rozbudowaną instytucję demokracji bezpośredniej, która pozostawia ostateczny głos obywatelowi.

EN

The political system of the Swiss Confederation is a system that is an example for modern democratic solutions. The specificity of grass-roots organization of the Swiss State suggests that the specificity of its operation should be sought for from the level of the community through canton to the whole federation. It should be noted that the pillar of the Swiss federalism is strong independence of the cantons towards the federal government. It is worth noting that the specific nature of the system of government is based on the principle of domination of parliament; arrangement relationships between the various institutions of state power contribute to the institutional domination of the political processes, while limited to the minimum degree of political competition favors on the one hand the implementation of substantive policy action, and on the other - stability. It should also be pointed out to the extensive institution of direct democracy which leaves the final say to the citizen.

17

Brexit: a political and economic case study

63%

Moscardini A., Pavlenko I.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2021

|

vol. 4

141-162

EN

No economic policy can be implemented without political influence, and politics is deeply affected by economic consequences. This braiding of political and economic sciences is clearly illustrated in a case study of the decision-making process by the United Kingdom to leave the European Union in 2016. This article reveals the role of political and economic factors instrumental in this decision and concludes with appeal for understanding and future built on mutual respect and trust.

18

Brexit: a political and economic case study

51%

Moscardini A., Pavlenko I.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2021

|

issue 4(62)

141-162

EN

No economic policy can be implemented without political influence, and politics is deeply affected by economic consequences. This braiding of political and economic sciences is clearly illustrated in a case study of the decision-making process by the United Kingdom to leave the European Union in 2016. This article reveals the role of political and economic factors instrumental in this decision and concludes with appeal for understanding and future built on mutual respect and trust.

PL

Żadna polityka gospodarcza nie może być realizowana bez wpływów politycznych, a polityka jest głęboko dotknięta przez konsekwencje gospodarcze. Ten splot nauk politycznych i ekonomicznych jest wyraźnie zilustrowany w studium przypadku procesu podejmowania decyzji o opuszczeniu Unii Europejskiej przez Zjednoczone Królestwo Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii w 2016 roku. Artykuł ujawnia rolę czynników politycznych i ekonomicznych, które były kluczowymi w tej decyzji, i kończy się apelem o zrozumienie i budowanie przyszłości na wzajemnym szacunku i zaufaniu.

19

The state of democracy in the European Union in scenarios: federation, empire and Europe à la carte

51%

Witkowska M.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2015

|

issue 4(38)

90-109

EN

The aim of the article is to present possible scenarios on maintaining democracy in the EU, while assuming different hypothetical directions in which it could develop as a federation, empire and Europe à la carte. Selected mechanisms, norms and values of the EU system that are crucial for the functioning of democracy in the European Union are the subject of this research. The abovementioned objective of scenario development is achieved through distinguishing the notions of policy, politics and polity in the research. In the analysis of the state of democracy in the European Union both the process (politics) and the normative approach (policy) have been adopted. The characterised norms, structures, values and democratic procedures in force in the EU will become a reference point for the projected scenarios. The projection refers to a situation when the existing polity transforms into a federation, empire or Europe à la carte. The article is to serve as a projection and is a part of a wider discussion on the future of the basis on which the European Union is build.

PL

Głównym celem artykułu jest projekcja scenariuszy dotyczących zachowania demokracji w UE zakładająca hipotetyczne kierunki jej rozwoju jako federacji, imperium i Europy à la carte. Przedmiotem badania są wybrane mechanizmy, normy i wartości systemu Unii Europejskiej mające decydujące znaczenie dla funkcjonowania demokracji w UE. Powyżej wskazany cel opracowania scenariuszy zostanie zrealizowany poprzez zaadoptowanie do badania trzech płaszczyzn analizy pojęcia polityka: policy, politics oraz polity. Stan demokracji w Unii Europejskiej będzie analizowany zarówno w ujęciu procesowym (politics), jak i normatywnym (policy). Scharakteryzowane stałe normy, struktury, wartości, procedury demokratyczne obowiązujące w UE staną się punktem odniesienia dla projektowanych scenariuszy. Projekcja będzie dotyczyć sytuacji, gdy dotychczasowy model funkcjonowania UE (polity) przekształci się w federację, imperium, bądź Europę à la carte. Artykuł ma charakter prognostyczny i przyłącza się do nurtu dyskusji wokół zagadnienia przyszłości konstrukcji Unii Europejskiej.

20

Parlament a parlamentarismus v budování a proměnách československé státnosti

51%

Felcman O., Hradecký T.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

|

2019

|

issue 4 (23)

32-71

EN

The study focuses on the importance of the Parliament’s involvement in construction of the Czechoslovak state. With the exception of the German occupation, as the legislature of the Czechoslovak Republic, the National Assembly played an important role in affecting its republican and democratic character. The article discusses two of the most important stages of the formation of the Czechoslovak statehood. First is the Interwar period when the Czechoslovak statehood demonstrated features typical of parliamentary democracy with assumed parliamentary power, followed by the 1960s when the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks developed on a federal level.

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KWESTIA EUROPEJSKA W PROGRAMACH POLSKIEJ LEWICY PO 1989 ROKU. PRZEGLĄD STANOWISK

Relacje polsko-ukraińskie na łamach tygodnika „Przymierze” ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem publicystyki Joachima Wołoszynowskiego

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Współpraca regionalna w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w koncepcjach Międzynarodowej Unii Chłopskiej

Democratization and federalization. A comparative perspective between Russia’s and Spain’s early forays into a federal system

Economic integration in the face of new challenges for the European economy

Kształt systemu politycznego Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej

Brexit: a political and economic case study

Brexit: a political and economic case study

The state of democracy in the European Union in scenarios: federation, empire and Europe à la carte

Parlament a parlamentarismus v budování a proměnách československé státnosti