Search results - CEJSH

1

V siločarách nové střední Evropy. Koncepce a tvorba zahraniční politiky Slovenské republiky v prvním desetiletí její existence

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Kunštát M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2010

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vol. 2

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issue 2

82 – 116

EN

The study deals with the historical determinants, concepts and practical implementation of the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic in the first decade of its existence (from its establishment in 1993 to Slovakia’s accession to the NATO and EU in 2004). Author examines the external and internal factors shaping the Slovak foreign policy, i.e. in particular the dynamics, which on the one hand resulted from the attractiveness of NATO and the EU (and of the Western orientation in general) but on the other hand was based on the anti-liberal and nationalist political traditions and tendencies that were very significant in Slovakia in the respective period.

2

Polityka zagraniczna pierwszego rządu Pedro Sáncheza w debacie parlamentarnej w Hiszpanii

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Jakóbczyk-Adamczyk P.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2020

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issue 1(156)

97–119

EN

In mid-2018, after the vote of no confidence to the government of Mariano Rajoy, the Socialists of PSOE took over the rule in Spain. In the article parliamentary debate on the objectives and directions of the foreign policy of the new cabinet is analyzed. The purpose of the analysis is to show the place of international affairs and foreign actions of the state in Spanish politics.

3

Unia Europejska w świecie: soft power, hard power, czy może smart power?

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Niedźwiecki S.

Przegląd Europejski

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2017

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vol. 2017 (45)(3)

78-94

PL

The main purpose of the article is to ask whether the European Union is a smart power actor. Most of the previous research has treated the EU as a soft power. This work is an analysis of the tools which the European Union uses in its foreign policy. Research has been conducted in the context of types of powers, which have been formulated by Joseph Nye: hard power, soft power and smart power. It was necessary to survey what instruments does the European Union use to have impact on other participants of international relations. Nowadays, a range of these tools is relatively developed, taking into account that the EU is an international organisation. In the conclusion, it is stated that the contemporary European Union should be treated as a soft power, but simultaneously it is an actor which attempts to become a smart power, and has relevant predispositions to it. Głównym celem artykułu jest zbadanie czy Unia Europejska jest aktorem typu smart power. Większość dotychczasowych badań traktowało UE jako podmiot typu soft power. Niniejsze opracowanie jest analizą narzędzi, jakimi posługuje się Unia Europejska w swojej polityce zagranicznej. Badania zostały przeprowadzone w kontekście typów mocarstw (potęg), jakie sformułował Joseph Nye. Mowa tutaj o hard power, soft power i smart power. W pierwszej kolejności należy zbadać jakim instrumentarium posługuje się Unia Europejska, by wywierać wpływ na innych uczestników stosunków międzynarodowych. Obecnie wachlarz tych narzędzi jest dość rozbudowany, biorąc pod uwagę, że UE jest organizacją międzynarodową. We wnioskach stwierdzono, że współczesną Unię Europejską traktować należy jako soft power, aczkolwiek jest ona podmiotem dążącym do stania się smart power, który ma ku temu odpowiednie instrumenty

4

Defence diplomacy – an important tool for the implementation of foreign policy and security of the state

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Drab L.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2018

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vol. 20

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issue 3

57-71

EN

“Defence diplomacy” is a relatively new term, created in response to post-Cold War needs to name new tasks and international functions completed by the armed forces and the leadership of the Ministries of National Defence. However, it should not be understood as a kind of traditional “military plus diplomacy”. The lack of a universally recognised definition of “defence diplomacy” means that states try to adapt its content to the needs of their own security policy. In Poland, the term “defence diplomacy” appears in journalism, but there is no precise reference to it in the documents concerning foreign and security policy. The main goal of defence diplomacy is the co-formation and implementation of the state security policy, and its task - to create stable, long-term international relations in the field of defence. Conceptualisation of the concept is a starting point for understanding its role as one of the most important instruments of foreign policy and the security of contemporary states.

5

Media społecznościowe w szwedzkiej polityce zagranicznej

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Broś N.

Political Preferences

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2017

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issue 16

37-50

EN

The article discusses the use of social media in Sweden's foreign policy, which, as part of public diplomacy, complements the diplomatic channel by reaching a wider audience - the international public. The starting point for the discussion was the presentation of Sweden's foreign policy concept, its normative character where human rights, peace diplomacy, sustainable development or feminism are key values and set the course of action. In Swedish case the nation brand and the associated categories of credibility and reputation, which are sources of power (soft power), are also an important aspect used for effective foreign policy. The analysis of contents of the three key profiles, allowed to present the strategy of using social media in Sweden's foreign policy, to observe what issues are being addressed in them, the relationships between the official diplomatic discourse and the less formal social media content.

6

Selected Aspects of France's Foreign Policy towards the United States during Emmanuel Macron's Presidency from 2017 to 2022

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Pruchnicka P.

Political Preferences

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2022

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vol. 30

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issue 1

49-59

EN

The French diplomatic tradition has been going on for centuries and has influenced other parts of the world. One of France's most essential foreign policy directions is relations between France and the United States. It can be said to be friendship and hatred at the same time. The deep-rooted anti-Americanism in the French and the desire by Paris to return to great power status makes these relations even more difficult. In this article, I review France's foreign policy toward the United States from 2017 to 2022. In particular, I focus on analysing the aspect of superpower status, NATO membership and UN membership. I prove that these aspects have the greatest impact on Franco-American relations.

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Między pierwszą a drugą władzą Jerzy Jaskiernia Dyplomacja parlamentarna Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, s. 975

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Adamczyk A.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 6(173)

173–186

EN

The publication by Jerzy Jaskiernia (Dyplomacja parlamentarna, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, p. 975) is subject to a scientific review. The author presented the content of the dissertation, trying to argue with its author, from the position of a representative of political science. The informative values of the fourth chapter were emphasised, along with the inspirational and organisational features characteristic of the remaining parts of the work. The polemic focused on the definitional view of the term diplomacy and the relationship of “parliamentary diplomacy” with the executive and legislative powers.

8

Rola Unii Europejskiej na arenie międzynarodowej według partii eurosceptycznych — nowy wymiar wspólnoty?

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Tereszkiewicz F.

Rocznik Europeistyczny

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2016

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issue 2

101-117

EN

A Eurosceptical attitude towards EU foreign affairs and an EU position in a new international order is presented in the paper. The author concentrates on Eurosceptic parties whose members are sitting in the European Parliament 8th term. Elements which are common for these politicians are described (the attitude toward US, Russia, NATO and immigration). Activities which, in the opinion of the Eurosceptic MEP, could be conducted in the framework of the European cooperation are identified (development assistance, environmental policy). At the end we are presented with a “Eurosceptical European identity”, which could be a basis for the international activity of the more or less integrated Europe.

9

LE RÔLE DU FACTEUR RUSSE DANS L'ATTITUDE DES PAYS DU BENELUX ENVERS L'UKRAINE (2014-2019)

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Soloviova A.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2020

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issue 29

130-146

EN

The article analyzes the role of the Russian factor in the attitude of Benelux countries towards Ukraine from 2014 to 2019. The author proceeds from the fact that one of the factors in a state's choice of a certain strategy in the international arena is often the size of the state. The study of the place and role of “small” states has become a separate field of study in the history of international relations since the publication of the work of the American researcher Annette Baker. Proponents of this theory share the opinion that the size of a state's territory significantly affects its political strategy. The author notes that there is no single definition of a “small” state, since the characteristics by which the state as such is defined are constantly changing. In general, the signs of a “small” state are small population, size of territory, low level of activity in the international arena. The author of the article concludes that the foreign policy strategies of all three Benelux countries can be called pragmatic. In the author's opinion, this approach is explained, first of all, by close cooperation in the field of economics and disadvantage of completely breaking off relations with Russia. The Benelux countries are small states compared to their European neighbors; their main strength is economic stability. It was found that for the Benelux countries, active intervention in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine means a threat to economic ties. The Benelux countries generally support the EU's sanctions policy, but insist on dialogue, considering sanctions a fewer effective means of achieving goals. The Netherlands occupies the most active position among the Benelux countries in the conflict, however, this position is mainly caused by internal concerns and the ongoing investigation of the Boeing MH17 crash

FR

L’auteur de cet article a réalisé une analyse du rôle du facteur russe dans l'attitude des pays du Benelux envers l'Ukraine de 2014 à 2019. L'analyse a montré qu'il est extrêmement important à ce stade de comprendre l'influence de la Russie sur les relations entre l'Ukraine et les pays du Benelux. Cette approche permet de déterminer les raisons de la stagnation éventuelle de ces relations et du dialogue entre États. En général, les stratégies des trois pays du Benelux peuvent être qualifiées de pragmatiques. Cette approche s'explique, tout d'abord, par une coopération étroite dans le domaine de l'économie et les inconvénients d'une rupture complète des relations avec la Russie. Les pays du Benelux sont de petits pays par rapport à leurs voisins européens, dont la principale force est la stabilité économique. Ainsi, pour les pays du Benelux, une intervention active dans le conflit Russie-Ukraine constitue une menace pour les relations économiques. Dans le même temps, les pays du Benelux soutiennent généralement la politique de sanctions de l'Union européenne contre la Russie, mais insistent sur le dialogue, considérant les sanctions comme un moyen moins efficace d'atteindre les objectifs. Les Pays-Bas ont la position la plus active parmi les pays du Benelux dans le conflit armé russo-ukrainien, cependant, cette position est principalement due à des préoccupations internes et à l'enquête en cours sur la chute du Boeing MH17 sur le territoire ukrainien

10

W poszukiwaniu modelu polityki zagranicznej Unii Europejskiej

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Wojciechowski S.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 1(354)

37-51

EN

The reforms which have been implemented following the Treaty of Lisbon contributed to a greater efficiency and operativeness of the EU’s foreign policy. However, developments in Ukraine, Syria, Iran and elsewhere showed that the undertaken actions are still insufficient and should be continued not only on the institutional or legal level but first of all in the procedural and political sphere. One of the many shortcomings of the EU’s foreign policy is a lack of a universal and clear model by means of which the essence, specificity and evolution of this policy could be analyzed. The object of the paper is to show several selected ways of presenting the components and determinants that shape the EU’s foreign policy and to create a model as an attempt to systematize the above issues. A further object is to demonstrate that the EU’s foreign policy, contrary to the opinion frequently expressed today by representatives of political elites or the academia, cannot be reduced to a mere sum of the foreign policies of particular member states. It includes also a range of other elements such as, among others, the goals and actions of EU institutions and ongoing changes in the international milieu or within the EU itself.

11

Izolacjonizm a izolacjonizm amerykański. Wyróżnienie pojęciowe na podstawie analizy polityki zagranicznej USA na tle historycznym

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Włuczkowski P.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

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2015

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vol. 4

145-153

EN

The article presents an image of one of the most significant American foreign policy strategy of the past – isolationism. With a hisotical perspective on how the United States foreign policy was creating and changing through the decades, the difference between basic definition of political isolation and isolation carried by USA was highlighted. It was shown how specific term American isolationism is. Particular attention is given to connection between specific foreign policy doctrines and reasons for which they were created. Remarks also adress variable attitude of USA, which were balancing through the history between two strategies: isolation and intervention. At the end of the article author takes a look closer to nowadays position of United States on the foreign policy field.

12

Retrospections and Perspectives of Russian Diplomacy Actions in 2006

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Huashou M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2007

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vol. 36

12-25

EN

According to he author of this article, Prof. Miao Huashou – from the Euro-Asian Social Development Research Institute and from the Development Research Center of the PRCh State Council, Russian diplomacy may boast of many great successes in 2006. Russia once again creates its image of a great empire by demonstrating its geopolitical and economic influences. The country underlines this way its position of an empire equal to the USA. It will continue to strengthen its influences in the Commonwealth of Independent States and undertake all the efforts aiming to development of strategic partnership with the EU on equal rules. It will also develop its contacts with the USA, as well as it will continue political dialogue and economic cooperation with other, great world powers.

13

Stosunki polsko-francuskie w latach 1945–1970

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Latosińska A.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2018

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vol. 23

178-195

EN

The article shortly presents Poland’s relations with France from the ending of World War II up to the year 1970, the death of general Charles de Gaulle. The ending of war actions brought major changes to the Polish-French relations. Poland was able to make alliances and international connections under strict surveillance of USRR. Of course it had an impact on Poland’s relations with France, which depended on the French-Soviet relationships. International politics have major influence on current relations between Warsaw and Paris. At this moment Polish-French relations have worsen. Unless both countries work towards agreement, Poland’s relationship with France will not get better. Only thing that is left, is to have hope that both Paris and Warsaw will come to a conclusion that rapprochement may bring mutual benefits.

14

Międzynarodowy i geopolityczny status Ukrainy

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Koralewski J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2012

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issue 4(345)

141-153

EN

The article analyzes the state of the Ukrainian foreign policy with special emphasis on the period following the orange revolution of 2004/2005. The present authorities of Ukraine face a difficult choice of the model of transformation of the whole country particularly in the context of its civilizational development. Russian economic initiatives are a very attractive alternative to the activity of the European Union. The Ukrainian society no longer believes in the assertions of European enthusiasts concerning a fast political and economic integration with the western countries. Paradoxically, the internal activities of the administration serve Ukraine’s international position better than a complicated and rather chaotic foreign policy. The present authorities in Kiev implement the policy of accomplished facts especially in the provincial areas and seem to be increasingly interested in the Russian offer. The authorities in Kiev have long been aware that a clear choice of one of the options of development would permanently bar its alternative. However, it should be kept in mind that the Ukrainian political establishment is unable to foresee the consequences of a “final decision” and does not have a vision of a long-term development of Ukraine’s external relations.

15

Opinia w sprawie prawnych aspektów aktywności międzynarodowej województw, zawieranych przez nie umów i porozumień oraz kompetencji Ministra Spraw Zagranicznych i Ministra Spraw Wewnętrznych

100%

Mik C.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2013

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issue 2(38)

187-202

EN

The opinion deals with the legal status of international arrangements concluded by Polish provinces (voivodships). These arrangements, according to the author, are not international agreements, as – under the Constitution of the Republic of Poland – provinces do not have competence to conclude such agreements. Provinces are only allowed to join international association of local communities that are not international organizations.

16

Energy security: between markets and sovereign politics

100%

Dudau R., Nedelcu A. C.

Management & Marketing

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2016

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vol. 11

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issue 3

544-552

EN

Energy security is a constant presence in the energy-related political discourse all over the world. States strive to secure steady inflows of needed energy supplies, as well as the price affordability of those supplies. However, what are deemed to be the best means to meet such goals depends on one’s theoretical vantage point. On the one hand, economically-minded theorists maintain that energy security is only a matter of market rules and interactions. Thus, they call upon energy markets to deliver both steady supplies and competitive prices. On the other hand, politically-minded scholars emphasize the political and hard-power nature of international energy trades, especially in a global context market by the emergence of state-centered, authoritarian regimes that use large national energy companies as foreign policy instruments. These two positions delineate competing approaches to how energy security risks ought to be managed. The former approaches energy security risks by means similar to portfolio management, requiring diversification of investments in order to insulate them from market shocks. The latter approaches energy security as a matter of foreign policy, by which states envisage interest coordination and favorable alignments within countervailing alliances against the agent of energy security risk. The present paper goes beyond the uncontentious point that these two dimensions are complementary. It argues that, depending on the international context, a more market-driven or a more-politically driven behavior may be adequate.

17

Turcja w Unii Europejskiej – realna perspektywa czy polityczna fikcja?

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Szkudlarek M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 1(354)

71-88

EN

The aim of the article is to attempt an assessment of the change in Turkey’s policy toward the European Union since mid-2013. In the author’s opinion, all the concepts concerning Turkey’s resignation from efforts for membership and its turn toward Muslim countries in the region are precocious and their nature is temporary. A failure of the two main pillars of the foreign policy that has been in force until now – the policy of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ and aspiration to become a regional leader – prompted the government in Ankara to renew its interest in the European perspective. The article also indicates premises of validity of this scenario and the circumstances that will be necessary for its implementation.

18

The Migration Issue in Polish Foreign Policy under the Migration Crisis in Europe

100%

Podgórzańska R.

Reality of Politics

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2016

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issue 7

140-155

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze Polish foreign policy, its nature and instruments of implementation under the migration crisis. The migration issue is in this case the determinant of foreign policy, which verified and actuated Polish external policies in the bilateral relations, as well as in the framework of multilateral cooperation. The migration issue has also become a determinant of European policy of Poland prejudging the extent and mechanisms of Polish involvement in the solution of the migration crisis in European institutions. It should be noted that a different approach to EU policies and its activities to prevent and mitigate the effects of the influx of people on its territory is reflected in the relations between Member States, as exemplified by the Polish-German relations. The migration issue is also reflected in the activities of the Visegrad Group. Fear of the consequences of mass migration into the EU and, above all, opposition to the obligation to accept refugees based on the quota system proposed by the European Commission intensified cooperation within the Visegrad Group. From the Polish foreign policy perspective, the Visegrad Group is seen as an important entity influencing its effects.

19

Polish Involvement in Peacekeeping Operations and Stabilisation Missions from the Perspective of The Foreign Policy

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Podgórzańska R.

Reality of Politics

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2014

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issue 5

63-80

EN

The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions. The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions.

20

American, Chinese and Russian Voices on the Current Situation and the Future of the Asia-Pacific Region

100%

Suchoples J.

Reality of Politics

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2013

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issue 4

222-236

EN

On 3rd-5th June, 2013 the 27th Asian-Pacific Roundtable was organized in Kuala Lumpur. The conference held traditionally in the Malaysian capital provided invited speakers with an occasion for presentations of their views on current problem countries situated in Asia and around the Pacific Ocean, as well as the future of relations between them.Th is time, the theme of the Asian-Pacific Roundtable was Strategising Change in Asia. USA Ambassador Hill said that reports about the decline of the West seemed to be premature. He proposed not to overestimate successes of Asian countries scored mainly in the field of economy and reminded once again that Europe as well as North America possessed experience in overcoming problems of different nature. Minister Morgulov from Russia tried to convince that Russian politicians are aware that their state possessed too little potential to compete successfully with the United States or China for the regional or global leadership. It seems that Russia has begun to implement some kind of containment strategy aimed at the containment of Russia’s diminishing significance in the world.

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