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Sind wir Opfer der Sprache?

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EN
The article is based on a lecture given 3 January 2021 at SWR in Baden-Baden. The presentation style was basically retained for this publication, but it was revised and updated. On the occasion of current discus- sions in Germany, the overview lecture dealt with the topic of framing, i.e. the question of whether and how much people‘s thinking and possibly actions are linguistically influenced. The lecture was designed to be cross-disciplinary and aimed at weighing up old and new research results. The topic is first de- scribed in its historical genesis and then discussed on the basis of empirically collected psychological, anthropological and social science data, but also on the basis of hermeneutically analyzed findings from literature. Historically, the question is based on the assumption that a language shapes or even determines the world experience of its speakers through its lexis and grammatical specificities. In this context, it was discussed whether different expressions of the same content can influence the addressees and thus manipulate them. It is shown that this can indeed be the case: Language can be very powerful in this regard. However, it also becomes clear that this is not valid indefinitely, since, conversely, material reality also has an impact on what we can and must express in and with our language(s). Totalitarian control through language can only happen for a short time, but is impossible in the long run.
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This paper deals with the representation of ethnic minorities in the media, focusing mainly on the role of the journalist. It approaches news stories through the prism of the media construction of reality and the cultural concept of representation. Using critical discourse analysis, the study describes the nature of the social reality constructed by the TV news series “Where Others Fear to Tread.” The paper reflects the general attributes of the representation of the Roma minority in the news, pointing out methods and signs used for emphasizing the stereotypes shared by the majority. The analysis shows that the media discourse of news stories could potentially confirm prejudices towards the Roma minority, forming the image of Roma people as essentially maladjusted, dangerous and suspicious individuals.
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The framing process based on highlighting selected aspects of reality, and on attributing them with significance when disseminating particular ideologies, ideas, and values as a vital element in the media control over released content, is the subject of research at the intersection of media studies and political science. This article attempts to analyse framing with respect to articles published in “Krakauer Zeitung” between 1939 and 1944 and concerning Volksdeutsche in the Lublin District, i.e., to reconstruct the structure of portraying this group of people, aiming at presenting specified propa-ganda contents, and a unified interpretation and assessment of reality.
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This study is a field experiment on loss aversion. The framing of scoring rules was differentiated in an exam at the University of Warsaw, with only half the students facing explicit penalty points in the case of giving an incorrect answer. Loss aversion predicts that less risk will be taken (less questions will be answered) when losses are possible but in fact, no treatment effect was observed.
EN
The so-called ‘Overton Window of Political Possibilities’ originates from a concept named after Joseph P. Overton and is based on the assumption that any collection of public policies within a policy area can be arranged in order from more free to less free. At any one time, some group of adjacent policies along the freedom spectrum fall into a ‘window of political possibility’. Policies inside the window are politically acceptable, meaning officeholders believe they can support the policies and survive the next election.
EN
A framework for applying agenda-setting theory in an international news context is proposed. First-level agenda-setting would suggest that the more news coverage a nation receives, the more that nation will be viewed as being critically important to readers. Second-level agenda-setting meanwhile would suggest that the nature of the coverage, both attributes linked to a country and the tone of the coverage, would impact whether readers view the nation positively or negatively. The framework is employed through a content analysis of international news coverage in two Slovakian newspapers. The analysis shows the usefulness of the approach.
EN
After 2008, Romania faced a difficult economic crisis manifested in the increase of unemployement rate, high migratory flows in the EU and a drop in the national GDP. As existing literature showed, in the period of economic crisis, media exposure strongly affected expectations regarding the future development of the national economic situation. The present article presents the ways in which media frames were used to represent different occupations within the Romanian mass media. Using a content analysis as the main method applied to a sample made up of 944 news published in the online newspapers in Romania, the results of the study pinpoint the fact that each type of media presents the same occupation in a specific way. Another important result of the study is that the reader’s perception of the occupations presented in the Romanian mass media – expressed in the form of comments to the online articles – is similar to the presentation of these occupations in the news published by Romanian mass media.
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The article is devoted to the phenomenon of framing. The aim of the analysis was to show that numerous frames of interpretation which are conveyed by the ubiquitous media and establish themselves in public opinion reach the recipients and have a certain effect on them. With the help of established frames, the journalists can process and merge information without investing a lot of time and effort in a comprehensive analysis of the topic (cf. Matthes 2009: 120), because “[n]ot facts, but frames are the basis of our everyday life social, economic and political decisions” (Wehling 2016: 45). Thus, it seems necessary to investigate how media makers’ framed messages influence the recipients. Based on the corpus evidence obtained through online research, it was possible to establish that the most conspicuous frames arise when dealing with contemporary problems that society has to face. The most popular frames address, among other things, taxes, social benefits, terrorism, refugee, policy and environment issues. The media frames ensure that certain emotions and attitudes towards the given situation are evoked in the recipient. In order for the frames to reach the recipient’s consciousness and evoke emotions, the facts to which they point must be expressed verbally, i.e. put into appropriate words. The analysis carried out shows that a well-thought-out linguistic packaging – for example framed complex words such as Menschenschwarm, gigantische Migrationswelle, Schutzsuchende, Steuerhölle, Steuerparadies – can shape the recipients’ perception of reality. Compounds – which are often metaphorically charged – are particularly suitable as framed terms because they are rich in content and attract the recipients’ attention. These frame compounds can, in very particular ways, activate desired – positive or negative – ideas in the recipients and control their expectations. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be concluded that frames to some extent assess and interpret social and political conditions from a specific perspective and often have a direct influence on the recipient’s emotions as well as their actions.
PL
Współczesne dziennikarstwo ulega zmianom, podobnie jak przeobrażeniom ulegają instytucje zatrudniające dziennikarzy. Jest to efektem konieczności dostosowania się do środowiska społecznego, w którym działają media, co tworzy przesłanki do dyskusji na temat kondycji dziennikarstwa jako zawodu. Dwie tendencje od lat 80. XX wieku najsilniej wyznaczają kierunki zmian funkcjonowania mediów i dziennikarzy: zmiana technologiczna i komercjalizacja. Wymuszają one większą konkurencyjność i powodują zmiany kryteriów sukcesu dziennikarzy. Mierzony jest on coraz częściej tzw. widocznością medialną, rozumianą jako efekt działań, które są pochodną ról publicznych i prywatnych, a nie instytucjonalnych. W artykule postawione zostało pytanie, czy współczesny dziennikarz jest kreatorem opinii, czy celebrytą, przy czym autorzy zastrzegają, że jest to dyskusyjne rozróżnienie, gdyż zakłada ono, że jedno wyklucza drugie, stanowi zatem dwa alternatywne elementy jednej kategorii.
EN
Contemporary journalism is subject to changes, just as its institutions. This is due to the need to adapt to the social environment in which the media operates, and which creates possibilities for discussions on the condition of journalism as a profession. Two trends of the 1980s define present tendencies in the media and journalism: technological change and commercialization. They induce more competition and alter the criteria for journalists’ success. It is measured more frequently by media visibility, understood as the result of actions that are derived from public and private roles, and not institutional. While the article posed the question of whether the modern journalist is a creator of the opinion or a celebrity, the authors reserve that this distinction is disputable, because it assumes that one excludes the other, being two opposite alternative elements of the same category.
EN
In the present contribution, which follows on from the discussion already initiated, problems of profiling the bilingual discourse of understanding are discussed. Aspects of the shaping of the discourse are addressed on the basis of previously undiscussed evidence from the bilingual journal “Region”. The discourse makes an original contribution to reconciliation between the Germans and the Poles. The discourse is profiled in a specific way. In the discourse under investigation, aspects are addressed that concern Germans and Poles in mutual contact.
EN
The linguistic aspect of strategic framing in modern political campaignsThe following article describes the role of semantics in political marketing, emphasizing the mechanism of framing and perspectivising in discourse. The complexity of the framing process is discussed in the introduction, then the linguistic aspect of political framing is debated and the technique of wording formulation in political discourse analyzed. Finally, implications and conclusions for further research are presented. Examples of political framing provided within the paper are based on the analysis of contemporary public discourses.
PL
Sposób, w jaki media prezentują swoim odbiorcom treści o charakterze politycznym, ma silny wpływ na wiedzę, postawy, opinie oraz zachowania wyborcze. Zawartość mediów nie może stanowić pełnego odzwierciedlenia rzeczywistości politycznej, jednak sposób, w jaki rzeczywistość tę prezentuje, może być bliższy lub dalszy od idei obiektywizmu i neutralności. Kategorią opisującą skalę odchylenia od idei zbalansowanej prezentacji treści jest medialna stronniczość polityczna. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przybliżenie tej koncepcji oraz określenie specyficznych cech medialnej stronniczości politycznej, jej głównych uwarunkowań, elementów przekazu medialnego, które sprawiają, że mamy do czynienia z treścią o charakterze stronniczym, a także związku między koncepcją medialnej stronniczości politycznej a innymi wybranymi koncepcjami teoretycznymi dotyczącymi mediów.
EN
The manner in which the media presents its recipients with political content has a strong impact on knowledge, attitudes, opinions and electoral behavior. The content of the media cannot be a full reflection of political reality, but the way in which the reality presents it may be closer or more distant from the idea of objectivity and neutrality. The category describing the scale of deviation from the idea of a balanced presentation of content is the media political bias. The aim of this article is to present this concept and determine the specific features of media political bias, its main determinants, elements of the media which make us deal with biased content, and the relationship between the concept of media political bias and other selected theoretical concepts regarding media.
EN
Over the last 20 years we’ve experienced the internet revolution and dynamic growth of different kinds of media, notably social media. In that contemporary context the author poses a following question: what are the current basic mechanisms of media impact on public opinion? The paper focuses on three key models and theories of media effects: agenda setting, framing and priming. The analyses are situated in the context of political science and social communication.
PL
Od blisko dwudziestu lat mamy do czynienia z rewolucją internetową i dynamicznym rozwojem różnych rodzajów mediów – zarówno klasycznych, jak i serwisów społecznościowych. W takim kontekście autor postawił następujące pytanie analityczne: jakie są współcześnie podstawowe mechanizmy wpływu mediów na społeczeństwo i opinię publiczną? Opracowanie zawiera przeglądową charakterystykę trzech podstawowych modelów wpływu mediów: agenda setting, framing oraz priming. Rozważania ujęto przede wszystkim w kategoriach medioznawczo-politologicznych.
EN
The following article is devoted to the qualitative analysis of certain elements of television news. These elements have a major impact on the viewers‘ perception and can intentionally form their personal views. Subjects of the analysis are agenda, previews both at the beginning and in the middle of the program, titles of the news and their visual trailers.    
PL
Niniejszy artykuł poświęcono analizie jakościowej wybranych elementów wieczornych serwisów informacyjnych, które w dużym stopniu wpływają na percepcję widzów oraz mogą służyć do kształtowania ich poglądów w zamierzony przez nadawcę sposób. Analizie jakościowej poddano agendę serwisów, a także w nawiązaniu do koncepcji uramowienia – forszpany i śródszpany, tytuły oraz wizualne zapowiedzi newsów.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na problem zawarty w pytaniu: czy framing jest tym narzędziem, które przyczynia się do zachowań dyskryminujących i wykluczających uchodźców? Wymagało to krytycznego spojrzenia na framing jako na językowe narzędzie perswazji i manipulacji wpływające na kształt publicznej debaty, którego efektem jest radykalizacja języka komunikacji o uchodźcach, dyskryminująca i wykluczająca ich z życia społecznego. Przedstawiono też możliwości wykorzystania metody pola semantycznego w analizie skutków framingu obecnego w publicznej komunikacji o uchodźcach i tworzenia na tej podstawie definicji uchodźcy w aspekcie jego społecznego postrzegania i rozumienia.
EN
The aim of the article is to highlight the problem in the question: is framing a tool that contributes to discriminatory behavior and excludes refugees? This required a critical look at framing as a linguistic tool of persuasion and manipulation that influenced the shape of public debate, resulting in, the radicalization of the language of communication about the refugees anddiscriminating and excluding them from social life. The possibilities of using the semantic field method in analyzing the effects of framing present in public communication about refugees and creation on that basis of the refugee definition in the aspect of their social perception and understanding are also presented in the article.
Human Affairs
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2009
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vol. 19
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issue 4
341-349
EN
In political science as well as in other social sciences much attention has been paid during recent years to the rapid growth of national and transnational activist networks and their increasing impact on domestic and world politics. Together with the proliferation of literature on the topic, concepts of collective action frames, framing processes, mobilizing ideas and meanings and their cultural resonance have gained considerable currency. However, less has been written about the possibilities of and the constraints on the circulation of collective action frames or about the connection between the cultural adaptation of frames and the results of actual collective struggles. The paper explores this understudied issue both theoretically and empirically. After identifying possible links between collective action framing processes and the representational practices of particular cultures based on a review of existing theoretical approaches, the functional consequences are demonstrated by the example of the Global Call for Action against Poverty international campaign and the Czech national variant.
EN
At the time of the global crisis caused by COVID-19, when people become more open to changing their lifestyle and mindset, the Ukrainian online news media adjust the way they present environmental issues by relying more on messages that speak to people’s attitudes and values. This study considers linguistic (evaluative and figurative expressions, facticity and evidentiality markers) and non-linguistic means (visuals) which Ukrainian newsmakers use in directing readers’ attention and offering them a particular perspective on environmental issues. At the time of the coronavirus pandemic, the main ‘sustainable’ frames supported by the Ukrainian online media are those of resilience and pragmatism of individuals, their collaboration and mutual support, collective efficacy in bringing positive environmental changes, strength of the Ukrainian government initiating the changes and ensuring their implementation. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Ukrainian news outlets show themselves sensitive to the shifting perceptions of public and planetary health, attempting to enrich the national idea by ecological thinking, which presupposes a new ecological culture of co-existence.
EN
Th is experiment explored relationships between individuals’ levels of political knowledge and ability to spot manipulated media information about international aff airs as well as susceptibility to infl uence by such information. Th e context of the study was the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine. A convenience sample of 146 students at a large American university was randomly assigned to read one of three simulated New York Times news reports, experimentally manipulated to favor either the Ukrainian government, the opposition, or a balance of political views. Analysis revealed few signifi cant relationships between level of political knowledge and spotting manipulation in news reports. Instead, trust in the New York Times explained a majority of the variance. Also, political knowledge wasn’t associated with susceptibility to manipulation. Interestingly, a majority of participants who spotted manipulation nevertheless accepted standpoints the manipulated articles promoted.
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