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Główne postacie herezji XII i XIII wieku

100%
Andrychowski K., Harasim K.
Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne
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2017
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issue 2(25)
5-13
EN
Heretic (gr. αἵρεσις – choice, purpose) movements are mentioned for the first time in the Catholics documents just a few centuries after Christ. They are related mostly to Manichaean movements which were created by Manes who believed that there are two elements in the world, Good and Evil who are still fighting with each other. Manichaeans rejected everything related to flesh and earth, but accepted only spiritual matters, because only those things were good in their opinion. It was a strong and very influential movement whose basic ideas became the fundamentals of many posterior philosophies, most of which were later deemed as heretic. An adjective ‘Manichaean’ became so negative over time that every new movement that wasn’t accepted by the Catholic Church was defined as ‘Manichean’.
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The Non-Orthodox in The Martyrdom of John the New by Gregory Camblak Patterns of Dehumanization

63%
Wolski J. M.
Studia Ceranea
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2021
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vol. 11
763-781
EN
The image of the non-Orthodox in Camblak’s work is unequivocally negative. Behind the abusive rhetoric lie patterns well known to social psychology. One can easily recognize the author’s dehumanizing attitude, which reveals the meaning of many elements of Camblak’s narrative in The Martyrdom of John the New. The concept of dehumanization is useful for the study of the attitude of medieval literate elites towards minorities. Although at its core it concerns cognitive phenomena it immediately makes us think about their behavioral implications.
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Zagadnienie Kościoła w kontekście ascetycznym u Marka Eremity

63%
Grzywaczewski J.
Collectanea Theologica
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2019
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vol. 89
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issue 1
51-74
EN
Mark the Ascetic (called also in English Mark the Heremit) representsthe monastic milieu of the fifth century. He wrote about the Church whilediscussing other questions. He clearly distinguished heterodox groups andthe Catholic Church. He refuted the theories of the Melchizedekians, Adoptionists, Messalians, Arians and Apollinarians, but especially Nestorians.Mark considered heretics as people in error and as those who have brokenfidelity to their baptism. He underlined that his own teaching was conformedto the Christian tradition. In his works, similar points with the teachingof earlier Christian writers, such as Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom,Evagrius Ponticus, Cyril of Alexandria and Gregory of Nazianzus, shouldbe noticed. Mark presented the Church as a place of sanctification for laypeople and monks. He proclaimed Christ as God’s Son and as the true Man,not only a creature having a human body. He highlighted the importanceof the sacraments of baptism and the Eucharist. In Mark’s works, we seeSaint Peter and Saint Paul as good teachers of the divine truth, who gave anexample of the Christian virtues, but there are no references to the positionof the Church of Rome in Christianity. The works of Mark the Ascetic werepopular in late antiquity, especially in the East; they were translated intoseveral languages. In the West, they were used especially in the time ofcontroversies between the Catholics and the Protestants.
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Inimici nostri: Jews as heretics and heretics as judaizers in Jerome and Augustine

63%
Hood J. Y. B.
Vox Patrum
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2017
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vol. 68
341-353
PL
Hieronim i Augustyn w swych polemicznych, jak również rzekomo niepole­micznych pismach, odnoszą się do wrogów Kościoła jako do bezbożnej triady: Żydzi, poganie i chrześcijańscy heretycy. Twierdzą, że łączy ich (inimici) ze sobą negacja Ewangelii ortodoksyjnego Kościoła katolickiego, a także przyczyna ich niewiary – pycha, która prowadzi do odrzucania prawdy. W tym artykule autor skupia się na powiązaniach, które Hieronim i Augustyn zdają się znajdować między judaizmem i chrześcijańską herezją. Korzysta z dzieł polemicznych i niepolemicznych obu pisarzy, w tym biblijnych komentarzy i an­typelagiańskich traktatów Hieronima oraz De civitate Dei Augustyna, jak również jego pism przeciw Żydom, donatystom i pelagianom. Oprócz identyfikacji dok­trynalnych podobieństw, które Hieronim i Augustyn wykazują między judaizmem i chrześcijańską herezją, autor analizuje również podobne często retoryczne figury stosowane przez nich w oskarżeniach na temat inimici. Na koniec zaś zastanawia się, czy możliwe przyczyny tego rodzaju wypowiedzi leżą w wątpliwościach tych i Augustyna doprowadziła ich do zachowania pewnej nadziei dla swych teoloOjców, oraz zauważa, że paradoksalnie, niepewność epistemologiczna Hieronima gicznych wrogów, a w ten sposób do zalecania tolerancji względem nich. ­
EN
In their polemical as well as their ostensibly non-polemical writings, SS. Jerome and Augustine refer to the Church’s enemies as an unholy triad: Jews, pagans, and Christian heretics. These inimici, they assert, are linked by their com­mon failure to accept the Gospel of the orthodox Catholic Church, as well as by the root cause of their unbelief: pride, which leads them to resist the truth. In this article, I focus on the links Jerome and Augustine purport to find between Judaism and Christian heresy. I draw from polemical and non-polemical works by both writers, including Jerome’s biblical commentaries and anti-Pelagian treatises, and Augustine’s De Civitate Dei as well as his writings adversus Jews, Donatists, and Pelagians. In addition to identifying the doctrinal commonalities that Jerome and Augustine assert exist between Judaism and Christian heresy, I examine the often-similar rhetorical devices employed by both writers in their denunciations of these inimici. The article concludes by speculating on the possible roots of these denunciations in the authors’ doubts and insecurities, and notes that, para­doxically, Jerome and Augustine’s epistemological doubts regarding divine elec­tion led them to retain a measure of hope for their theological enemies, and so to counsel tolerance toward them.
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Wiara w życiu człowieka w ujęciu św. Hilarego z Poitiers

63%
Karczewska H.
Vox Patrum
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2014
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vol. 61
343-357
EN
According to Hilary, faith is a recognition of the divinity of Jesus and a proper understanding of the Trinity. As understood by him, faith is important above all in the fight against heresy and in the daily life of the people. He teaches that faith is not opposed to knowledge, although they differ from each other. Rational faith and spiritual education repel the attacks of heretics and pagans. Faith is a remedy against impious doctrine and it heals the inner darkness of the believer. For faith to lead to union with God it must be tempted, because temptation leads to self-discovery. Faith can be strengthened only in danger and suffering, and acts of faith lead the believer to salvation.
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Does the Great Canon of Andrew of Crete speak about the heresies and their combating? Brief Remarks

63%
Prelipcean A.
Vox Patrum
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2017
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vol. 68
523-533
PL
Powszechnie jest wiadome, że fundamentalne dzieło Andrzeja z Krety, napi­sane prawdopodobnie na początku VIII wieku, jest penitencjałem wskazującym na nieustającą potrzebę ludzką do skruchy. Oprócz systematycznego wykładu Pis­ma Świętego i typów tego wyjaśniania (negatywny i pozytywny), Wielki Kanon wzywa też do głębokiej medytacji na temat życia i jego krótkotrwałości. Nawet sam autor bizantyński świadczy o tym fakcie, mówiąc: „Od czego zacząć mam opłakiwanie czynów nędznego życia mego? Jakiż początek skargi żałosnej dzisiaj uczynię, o Chryste? O miłosierny, udziel win moich odpuszczenia!” (Oda 1, 2). Czy możemy jednak mówić o obecności w tekście Wielkiego Kanonu polemicz­nych akcentów przeciw herezjom? Czy możemy znaleźć fragmenty przedstawia­jące poglądy teologiczne sprzeciwiające się różnym herezjom powstałym w Koś­ciele w ciągu ośmiu wieków? Jeśli tak, to które z nich i jakie herezje zwalczają? Niniejsze opracowanie próbuje przedstawić to zagadnienie.
EN
It is known that the fundamental work of Andrew of Crete, probably written in the early of the eighth century, is penitential one, indicating continuing human need for repentance. Beyond a systematic exposition of Holy Scripture and its models (negative and positive), the Great Canon calls for deep meditation about life and its transience. Even the Byzantine author herself testifies this fact, saying: “Where shall I begin to lament the deeds of my wretched life? How shall I begin, O Christ, to relieve my present tears? But as Thou art deeply compassionate, grant me forgiveness of sins” (Ode 1, 1). But can we speak in the text of the Great Canon about polemical intentions against heresies? Can we find passages to de­velop the theological opinion against various heresies arisen within the Church over the eight centuries? If so, which ones and what heresy combat? This essay is at stake we want to present it.
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Deux visions du bonheur selon la nature chez Camille Lemonnier et Georges Eekhoud

51%
Chavasse P.
Quêtes littéraires
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2021
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issue 11
99-122
EN
In the last years of the 19th century, the Belgian writer Camille Lemonnier published three novels, L'ÎleVierge, Adam et Ève, and Au cœur frais de la forêt, which conveyed the dream of seeing humanity freed from the shackles imposed by society that enslaves men and women and distorts their instincts. The Belgian Georges Eekhoud published in 1912 Les Libertins d'Anvers, which traces the history of Christian heresies in Antwerp from the 12th century until their repression by the Protestant reform and the Catholic counter-reform. Inspired by the same identity concerns, Lemonnier and Eekhoud offer models of utopian communities that draw inspiration from both paganism and Christian evangelism. The two writers praise charity, and respect for others and for nature. However, they differ in the interest they place in the couple and the family as a social foundation, Lemonnier applying the lessons of naturism, while Eekhoud is more in line with anarchist thinkers such as Charles Fourier, Raoul Vaneigem and Michel Onfray.
FR
Dans les dernières années du XIXe siècle, l’écrivain belge Camille Lemonnier publie trois romans, L’Île vierge, Adam et Ève, et Au cœur frais de la forêt, qui véhiculent le rêve de voir l’humanité libérée du carcan imposé par une société qui asservit l’homme et la femme et dénature leur instinct. Le Belge Georges Eekhoud publie en 1912 Les Libertins d’Anvers, qui retrace l’histoire des hérésies chrétiennes à Anvers du XIIe siècle jusqu’à leur répression par la Réforme protestante et la Contre-réforme. Nourris par les mêmes préoccupations identitaires, Lemonnier et Eekhoud proposent des modèles de communautés utopiques qui s’inspirent à la fois du paganisme et de l’évangélisme chrétien. Les deux écrivains font l’apologie de la charité et du respect du prochain et de la nature. Toutefois, ils diffèrent dans l’intérêt qu’ils accordent au couple et à la famille comme fondement social, Lemonnier appliquant les leçons du naturisme, tandis qu’Eekhoud se situe davantage dans un courant de la pensée anarchiste représenté notamment par Charles Fourier, Raoul Vaneigem et Michel Onfray.
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The validity of the baptism of heretics according to Cyprian of Carthage, pope Stephen and Firmilian of Caesarea

51%
Grzywaczewski J.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 63
95-112
PL
Artykuł dotyczy debaty nad ważnością chrztu, jaka toczyła się w 2. poł. III w. pomiędzy biskupem Rzymu Stefanem a Cyprianem z Kartaginy i Firmilianem z Cezarei. Stefan przyjmował obiektywną skuteczność sakramentów (ex ope­re operato) i prezentował pogląd, że chrzest udzielany w sektach jest ważny. Wymienieni biskupi temu przeczyli. Według biskupa Rzymu w rycie sakra­mentalnym działa sam Chrystus. Według Cypriana i Firmiliana chrzest stanowi wprowadzenie do Kościoła. Heretyk nie może nikogo wprowadzić do Kościoła, skoro sam do niego nie należy. Obradowano nad tym zagadnieniem z Rzymie, w Kartaginie oraz w Ikonium. Pomimo rozbieżności opinii nie doszło do formal­nego rozłamu w Kościele. Później zwyciężyła w chrześcijaństwie tradycja rzym­ska, według której chrzest udzielany poza Kościołem jest ważny.
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Nadzieja na jedność? Herezje i heretycy w listach św. Ambrożego

51%
Wysocki M.
Vox Patrum
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2017
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vol. 68
327-340
EN
This article presents the results of the analysis of the correspondence of St. Ambrose, the Bishop of Milan, concerning heresies and heretics and the hope of their final reconciliation with the Church. The article consists of two essential parts, the first shows the definition and essence of heresies and heretics, including examples of heretics and how they act. The second part focuses on dealing with heretics and fighting for the unity of the Church. This section shows the ways in which this fight is taking place and the parties responsible for it: the bishops and the emperors. Reading the letters of St. Ambrose does not leave any illusions – the Bishop of Milan has gradually been losing the hope for ending such conflicts, above all with the Arians. Reasons for such an attitude are repeatedly presented in his letters – the conflict of the basilicas, the attitudes of the heretics, the weakness of orthodox believers and priests. It seems, however, that in spite of everything still smoulders in him spark of hope, because to the last letter of preserved cor­respondence he calls for return to the bosom of the Church and orthodoxy.
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Obraz heretyków w „Moralia in Iob” Grzegorza Wielkiego

51%
Szram M.
Vox Patrum
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2019
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vol. 71
475-500
EN
One of the key themes of the Moralia in Iob, or Gregory the Great’s commentary to the Book of Job, is the allegorical interpretation of Job’s three friends as heretics. Herewith the image of the heretics emerging from this work is not a historical presentation. Rather, it is a strongly rhetorical critical assessment of the phenomenon of heresy, enriched with analyzes and recommendations of a moral-spiritual nature. He addressed the issue of heresy for the most part due to apologetic motives, aiming at defending the orthodox faith. The image of the heretic has been strongly subdued to the process of rethoricization for this purpose. Frequent use of invective went hand in hand with a high degree of generality in the presentation of the personality and mode of operation of heretics. Gregory the Great hardly ever referred to specific figures of heretics and these were usually people of the past era, mainly the inventors of the great errors from the IVth and Vth centuries, like Arius or Eutyches. The portrayal of heretics as people characterized mainly by three vices – pride, hypocrisy and stupidity – assumes in Moralia a form of a topos, or a repetitive motif on a literary basis, appearing in the majority of early Christian anti-heretic texts. Admittedly, the most unique element in Gregory’s exegesis is the connection of the heretics’ traits of personality to the majority of the statements appearing in the book of Job. Only some of these allegories find their parallels in commentary on the book of Job attributed to Hieronim’s student, Philip Presbyter, whose work was most probably known to the Pope. Surely, Gregory encountered during his ministry the remainders of such earlier heresies as Arianism or Donatism, which could have led him to a wider reflection on the activities of heretics. However, it raises the question why in the late Christian antiquity, when the time for the emergence of great heretical movements passed, the critique of the heresy phenomenon became the main subject of the spiritual exegesis of the Book of Job.
PL
Jednym z głównych wątków tematycznych Moraliów, czyli komentarza Grzegorza Wielkiego do Księgi Hioba jest interpretacja trzech przyjaciół Hioba jako heretyków. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia obraz środowiska heretyków wyłaniający się z dzieła Grzegorza. Nie ma on charakteru prezentacji historycznej. Jest to silnie zretoryzowana krytyczna ocena zjawiska herezji, wzbogacona o analizy i zalecenia o charakterze moralno-duchowym. Problematykę herezji Grzegorz poruszał przede wszystkim z pobudek apologetycznych, mających na celu obronę ortodoksyjnej wiary. Obraz heretyka został w tym celu silnie zretoryzowany. Częste stosowanie inwektywy szło w parze z dużym stopniem ogólności w przedstawianiu osobowości i sposobu działania heretyków. Grzegorz bardzo rzadko odwoływał się do konkretnych postaci heretyków i zazwyczaj były to osoby z epoki minionej, głównie wielcy błędnowiercy IV i V wieku, jak Ariusz czy Eutyches. Charakterystyka heretyków jako ludzi odznaczających się głównie trzema wadami – pychą, obłudą i głupotą – przybiera w Moraliach formę toposu, czyli motywu literackiego, pojawiającego się w większości wczesnochrześcijańskich tekstów antyheretyckich. Najbardziej oryginalnym elementem w sposobie prezentacji heretyków przez Grzegorza było powiązanie z ich cechami osobowościowymi większości wypowiedzi pojawiających się w księdze Hioba. Tylko niektóre z tych alegorii znajdują swoje paralele w przypisywanym uczniowi Hieronima, Filipowi Prezbiterowi, komentarzu do księgi Hioba, który najprawdopodobniej był znany papieżowi. Grzegorz zetknął się z pewnością w swojej posłudze z pozostałościami takich wcześniejszych herezji jak arianizm czy donatyzm, co mogło go skłaniać do szerszej  refleksji na temat dzialalności heretyków. Budzi jednak zastanowienie, dlaczego w epoce późnego antyku chrześcijańskiego, gdy minął czas powstawania wielkich ruchów heretyckich, właśnie krytyka fenomenu herezji stała się głównym przedmiotem duchowej egzegezy Księgi Hioba.
11
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„Bestiariusz niewiary”. Ludzie oddaleni od Boga w nauczaniu św. Hilarego z Poitiers

51%
Karczewska H.
Vox Patrum
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2013
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vol. 59
225-239
EN
Bishop of Poitiers, referring to the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, makes the characteristics of people away from God through unbelief. Comparing them to beasts, Hilary creates an unique „bestiary of disbelief”. Bishop of Poitiers shows the catalogue of beasts and gives them a symbolic significance which re­veals the nature of opponents of the Church. In the allegorical world of beasts many animals can be found: foxes mean false prophets, ravens – sinners and cattle as a symbol of heathen. In general Bishop of Poitiers indicates symbol of serpent as heretics who reject the gift of faith in Christ and contempt the doctrine of the Church. In Hilary’s works a lot of helpful directions for believers are given. Bishop focuses on gaining spiritual knowledge and proclamation of the Gospel.
12
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Zło i grzech w nauczaniu Sulpicjusza Sewera

45%
Pochwat J.
Vox Patrum
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2014
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vol. 62
443-456
EN
Sulpicius Severus (c. 360-420) was aware of the enormity of evil that people commit. He kept reminding, that the source of this situation is the sin of the first couple, Adam and Eve. A human being took side of Satan rather than God, and consequently developed all kinds of sins of disorder in a delicate field of human sexuality, various vices, murders and wars. Everyone commits sins, no matter who he is and what he does in life. Sulpicius Severus emphasized the truth that sin means disaster, loss of the most important values of freedom and happiness in God. An important feature in the teaching of Sulpicius Severus is his approach to the pagans and heretics. Both of them are treated by him as those who are under the influence of Satan; pagans – because by worshiping idols they venerate de­mons, and heretics – because by preaching false doctrines they submit to the spirit of lies, that is the spirit of Satan.
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