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EN
The Author explores the problem of nationalism in a specific context, which he calls “victimhood nationalism” and defines as competing collective memories for the position of victims. Victimhood nationalism is used by nations as well as individuals to gain the position of “victimized” in international context and in this way justify the acts of violence committed by those very nations or individuals against the others. Victimhood nationalism engages whole nations in a specific international competition, which adds to the phenomenon of nationalism a “transnational” dimension. The Author illustrates his ideas by examples from the WWII, particularly history of Japan and Korea but also Germany, Austria and Poland.
EN
A number of modern Russian political discourse provisions which consist of tendentious interpretations of Russian and Ukrainian history and which result in frank and systematic manipulation of historical memory have been analyzed. Their goals are to justify Russia’s aggressive policy towards Ukraine to prove and legalize the right to decide the fate of the Ukrainian people and to determine the vectors of the Ukrainian foreign policy. At the same time, they are aimed at discrediting the Ukrainian government and delegitimizing Ukrainian statehood as well as ultimately distorting and leveling Ukrainian national identity. The outdated concept of Ancient Rus as the cradle of “three brotherly peoples”, i.e. Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, or its more archaic version about the existence of a single Russian nation, whose branches are actually Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, is used. A component of this concept is the idea of Russia being the direct and sole legal heir of Ancient Rus, whose historical mission was and remains the gathering of ancient Russian lands, which include the lands of Ukraine and Belarus. Accordingly, the separate existence of the Ukrainian people, and hence their right to state independence, is either denied altogether or conditionally recognized, if they maintain inseparable ties with Russia and renounce the Western vector of foreign policy. Modern Ukraine is considered by the Russian authorities and the political establishment as “anti-Russia”, which has no right to exist. Attempts to apply the tools of the historical politics of the Russian Federation. In particular, it concerns historical education and memorial practices in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of the Donbas, where the territory temporarily is not controlled by Ukraine. These territories are also considered a model for similar measures used on temporarily occupied territories during the 2022 war.
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EN
Decrees of the President of the Republic, more commonly known as the Beneš decrees, were a series of laws that were drafted by the Czechslovak Government-in-Exile in the absence of the Czechoslovak parliament during the German occupation of Czechoslovakia in World War II and issued by President Edvard Beneš. This article deals with this for the Czech history important topic und it analyses, how these decrees perceives Czech society. The theoretical background captures the concept of the historical memory (M. Halbwachs). Important finding is, that it‘s slightly increasing the number of people who promote their boundless force.
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Review article of P. Węcowski's book "Początki Polski w pamięci historycznej późnego średniowiecza".
EN
This article examines the main characteristics of the historical memory of Poles in Belarus, allowing to speak about the special image of the past within this ethnic group. The canon of historical and cultural figures is analyzed, as well the relationship between historical grand narrative and family memory that creates a trend of “escape” from the rigid interpretations of the past.
EN
The article has two major aims. First, it provides a short analysis of three revivals of the Jagiellonian idea which took place in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries in different historical and political circumstances. Second, it locates these revivals within the political and normative contexts of the time, and looks at different reasons that explain the persistence of the concept. The article also addresses more general questions, such as the ways that the Jagiellonian idea can be conceptualized, debates over its practicality and usefulness and its lasting presence in Polish national memory. Although there does not seem to be an agreement on the very meaning of the Jagiellonian idea, it certainly has enough normative or symbolic potential to animate strategic policy visions even in the twenty-first century.
EN
The article attempts to present the circumstances of the Millennium celebrations in Gniezno in 1966. As the capital of the oldest metropolis in Poland, Gniezno was the fi rst city, in which the communist regime organised political demonstration, an intended counterweight to church ceremonies. The author shows the actual process of preparation for these celebrations and describes their course. From the point of view of Primate Wyszyński, the most important day was 14 April 1966, which marked the liturgical anniversary of the baptism of Mieszko I. Despite the fact that the authorities hindered the faithful from outside Gniezno’s arrival to the so-called Millennium Mass’, roughly 40 thousand people participated in the mess. A manifestation organiaed by the communist authorities on 16 April 1966 was intentionally confrontational in nature . The most important guest was Marshal Marian Spychalski, who attacked the Church in his speech. Enraged, a number of demonstration participants left the place of the meeting and headed to the cathedral, wherePrimate Wyszyński fi nished the Millennium celebrations in Gniezno. Wyszyński emerged the victor in the confrontation with the authorities.
EN
Different recollections of World War II are typical of every European country. To answer the question what kind of place has this war in the memory of several European countries and Russia, a civil society activist together with university experts decided to investigate. This is based on an analysis of the narratives presented in the current history textbooks. Comparisons of these dominant narratives about the war were then put in the form of an exhibition called Different Wars. The exhibition has been staged since autumn 2015 in European and Russian cities and it has been perceived very differently. This analysis not only of the national stories of the Second World War, but also of the reaction of society to such questions about its past in public space, bears witness to the remembrance of European countries.
EN
The article presents selected outcomes of the international research project “From the Enemy of the People to New Martyr”, investigating the memory of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and of the Great Terror, and its place in contemporary discourse in Russia. The research is sponsored by the Polish National Science Centre and is conducted at the Maria Grzegorzewska Pedagogical University in Warsaw (2017-2020 years). The one of the project’s stages was the investigation of shaping the historical memory by authorities in contemporary Russia, conducted with using research method of discourse analysis in 2017 year. The results of the analysis of the public discourse demonstrate how the perception of the Revolution of 1917 changes in Russia nowadays, and how in the year of the 100th anniversary new understanding of the historical events are being shaped. It also demonstrates the impact of the contemporary political situation on the creation of new discourse about Revolution.
EN
The article deals with the contemporary museum landscape on the territory of historical Masuria. Assuming – first of all – that the historical pillars of Masurian identity before the Second World War comprised the Polish language and evangelical denomination, and – secondly – that museums are institutions whose purpose is to archive, select and present artifacts as well as construct narration about the cultural memory of a group, the author of the article poses the question of the current presence of evangelical themes at the exhibitions of selected Masurian museums. An exhibition is understood here as a message addressed to receivers, and therefore the author uses the method of semiotic analysis of the visual stratum of selected exhibitions. The choice of the exhibitions discussed in the article is limited to museums located at operating evangelical churches (Museum of the Reformation in Mikołajki) or in former sacral buildings abandoned by evangelicals after 1945 (exhibitions on the premises of the open-air ethnographical museum in Olsztynek).
EN
The diplomatic relations between Poland and China had been established before World War II. The new stage in the relations has started on October 7, 1949, when Poland oficially recognized the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which was declared on October 1, 1949. Therefore, in 2009, we had two anniversaries: the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of china and the 60th anniversary of establishing the diplomatic relations between Poland and PRC. This gives the opportunity to summarize mutual relations. Those 60 years have been filled with positive stories, which had significant influence on the development of bilateral relations. However, one can also find dificult, even tragic moments during the history of these two nations. Those uneasy moments had also direct impact on mutual relations.
EN
What is our perception of the Ottoman Turks, or how are they presented in Croatian history textbooks and the outlines / overviews of Croatian historyHistory textbooks, especially in the Central and East European countries, often contain various single-sided, monocentric, xenophobic views, national exclusiveness, as well as divisions between “us” and “them,” confrontations with the others, etc. The countries with the more developed democratization process find it easier to overcome such difficulties in education, especially in textbooks, because they have no need for self justification and confirmation and have solid institutions addressing the social, economic, and various other rights of individuals. The Ottoman Turks have greatly influenced European, and thus also Croatian, history of the Late Medieval and Early Modern time. The author describes the position taken towards Ottoman invasions and rule in history textbooks and recent outlines of Croatian history. Both the textbooks and the analyzed outlines are found to contain two opposed views of Croatian history – one is ethno-centric, exuberating national past and often offers a prejudiced view of our neighbours, while the other is more modern and presents a more open and concrete overview of Croatian past. The paper lists a number of examples confirming such results.  Kim są dla nas Turcy osmańscy, czyli obraz Turków w chorwackich podręcznikach do nauki historii i w syntezach historii Chorwacji Podręczniki do nauki historii – szczególnie w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej, które podlegały transformacji ustrojowej – często prezentują różne formy jednostronnych wyobrażeń, monocentryzmu, ksenofobii czy narodowego ekskluzywizmu, stosując stereotypowe podziały na „my” i „oni”, przeprowadzają też często obrachunki z „innymi”. Przezwyciężanie tego typu trudności w nauczaniu przedmiotu łatwiejsze jest w krajach, gdzie proces demokratyzacji poszedł dalej, gdzie istnieją stabilne instytucje społeczne, które zajmują się prawami człowieka, a tym samym nie ma potrzeby udowadniania własnej przynależności.Turcy osmańscy w późnym średniowieczu i wczesnej epoce nowożytnej mieli istotny wpływ na historię Europy, w tym także na historię Chorwacji. Zarówno w podręcznikach, jak w poddanych analizie syntezach historii Chorwacji widoczne są dwie przeciwstawne wizje stosunków turecko-chorwackich, jak zresztą i innych momentów narodowej historii: pierwsza, etnocentryczna, wyolbrzymia własną przeszłość i charakteryzuje się w wielu miejscach nietolerancją w stosunku do innych, szczególnie sąsiadów, druga natomiast jest bardziej nowoczesna, otwarta i wyważona. W artykule wymienione są przykłady, które wizje te potwierdzają.
EN
Topoi of historical memory in Bulgaria. Field researchThe article summarizes the preliminary results from the research project “Topoi of Memory”, which is a joint venture between the New Bulgarian University and the American University in Bulgaria.The major goal of the research team is to investigate the level of modernization of Bulgarian society using the mechanism of historical memory. Thus we are trying to answer the question: whether there exists one coherent and normative Grand Historical Narrative, inspired by “the inventors of tradition” – and how does it function. Or, whether there are diverse narratives which circulate among the various social, ethnic and religious groups, according to their own value systems.Another aim of the research is to establish the generators of memory, which are at odds between the institutional education and the traditions of the different groups.The results are quite clear: the Grand Bulgarian Historical Narrative is centered on the last decade of the Ottoman Rule in Bulgaria (the 1870’s) which presents the climax of the national liberation movement and the Liberation from the “Turkish Joke”. Still, the “joke” is marked primarily by the heroic discourse. This is in sharp distinction with Serbia, where the traumatic discourse is dominant. The heroic discourse allows much more wider deployment of the narratives of epic heroism, than the traumatic national memory of martyrdom.The leading topoi of memory among the majority of Bulgarians and the diverse minorities groups are relatively similar, still they differ on the level of repetition of these topoi. Even the representatives of the Turkish minority consider the Liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman rule the most important historical event. This fact does not mean that these Bulgarian Turks highlight a distinct “martyrdom memory”, or feature a high level of integration in Bulgarian society. It rather presents (in the majority of the cases) a special mimicry of the minority group versus the majority.  „Niewola turecka” jako miejsce pamięci. Wyniki badań terenowych Tekst zawiera raport z badań przeprowadzonych w ramach projektu „Toposy pamięci historycznej” realizowanego przez Nowy Uniwersytet Bułgarski i Uniwersytet Amerykański w Bułgarii. Głównym celem była ocena poziomu modernizacji społeczeństwa bułgarskiego, który byłby do uchwycenia z perspektywy mechanizmów pamięci. Czy można mówić o istnieniu jednej wielkiej narracji narodowej, inspirowanej przez „wynalazców tradycji”, czy też o cyrkulacji wielu opowieści – zależnie od systemów wartości poszczególnych grup społecznych, etnicznych, religijnych? Innym celem badania było wyznaczenie czynników tworzących pamięć (generatorów), jak powszechne wykształcenie czy tradycje rodowe.Wyniki badań jednoznacznie pokazują, że wielka bułgarska narracja narodowa – jeśli w ogóle istnieje – osadzona jest w ostatniej dekadzie panowania osmańskiego: okresie walk narodowowyzwoleńczych i wyzwolenia spod „jarzma tureckiego”. „Jarzmo” jednak nie tyle definiowane jest w kategoriach traumy (jak chociażby w Serbii), ile heroizmu. Okazuje się w większym stopniu impulsem do wielkiego zrywu niż martyrologią.W przypadku Bułgarów i poszczególnych mniejszości narodowych wiodące toposy są podobne, mimo iż pojawiają się z różną częstotliwością. Nawet mniejszość turecka uznaje wyzwolenie Bułgarii spod panowania osmańskiego za najważniejsze wydarzenie, w czym nie należy upatrywać martyrologii czy wysokiego stopnia integracji; w większości przypadków pozwala to dojrzeć w tym zjawisku tendencję do stosowania strategii mimikry.
EN
Most of the participants in the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) were fighting for the ideals of democracy and freedom, for the defeat of fascism and Nazism and for the new Czechoslovak Republic with equal status for the Slovak people within it. They could not have foreseen that communist totalitarianism would be established after the war, one that would try to use the Uprising as a precursor for the socialist revolution (Fremal 2010: 359). The Communist Party, with the support of historians, utilised the legacy of the SNP to justify its political actions. Czechoslovak identity was also constructed through the image of the SNP, whose annual celebrations provided the communists with the opportunity to interpret the legacy of the SNP in various forms. This work deals with the way the communists interpreted the SNP in order to convince the public that this was a people's Uprising intended to lead to social equality and the eventual acceptance of communism in Czechoslovakia in the years 1947,1948 and 1954.
EN
The article presents research concerning historical memory in micro scale on the example of a monument erected by a Bialystok burgher Konstanty Kozyrski in 1937 in the Jaroszówka area. Although Kozyrski’s foundation assumed the form of a religious artefact, it was not a simple expression of religiousness, or an ordinary request for the care of supernatural forces. First of all, this action was a physical manifestation of the family’s memory and identity which did not correspond to ethnic and religious consciousness of the majority of their neighbours. Moreover, it was an attempt to legitimise the Kozyrskis’ land ownership in the period of the integration action ran by the state authorities in Poland’s twenty years of independence after World War I. The article shows the alienation of the family from the local community: the Kozyrskis were the newcomers, who emphasized their connection with the town, not the country, they were the members of the Orthodox Church, and they stood out economically owing to preferential legislation under Russification run by the Russian Empire.
EN
The ruling class of Hungarians and people affected by Magyarization seized the Hungarian urban public space from the last third of the 19th to the early 20th century. It was a result of the official hungarian policy of Magyarization. The national holidays, anniversaries and commemorative days were celebrated in the intentions of that policy and ideology of the Hungarian nation state. In relation to the non-Magyars they reflected the superiority of the Hungarian-Magyar historical memory and simultaneously they were deleting other national memories (also Slovak one). This fact affected the possibility of forming the national identities of the non-Magyar nations. On the example of the March 15th celebrations this study shows how the residents of the Upper Hungary towns reflected one of the most intensely celebrated commemorative days in the Hungarian Kingdom. This approach is derived from our earlier research, which was focused on the March celebrations in towns of Banská Bystrica and Zvolen. In present study our focus has moved into the northern towns of the Liptov county: Liptovský Svätý Mikuláš and Ružomberok. In contrast to towns of the Zvolen county the Slovak-speaking population in Ružomberok and Liptovský Mikuláš maintain its superiority even to the eve of the World War I. We also focus on the manifestations of the state (Hungarian) and ethno-national identities (Slovak, Magyar) in the frame of ongoing March celebrations, as well as on the representation of Slovaks which have spread via the ritual-symbolic channels of these celebrations.
EN
György TóthUniversity of StirlingScotland, United Kingdom Epilogue-Turning to the Wall: Concepts across Space and Time Abstract: The epilogue to this journal issue interrogates a variety of aspects of walls as mental structures and tropes of historical memory. Engaging with the issue’s contributing authors, Tóth argues that the idea of the wall functions as metonymy, activating a siege mentality and mobilizing its target audience – hence its rhetorical power and attraction as policy. Discussing the wall’s symbology as a border of the nation state but also pointing out its increasing privatization, the piece concludes with an exploration of the potential that walls may have for the creative subversion of their original function to seal off, categorize and divide humans. Keywords: commentary, Trump, historical memory, metonymy, art
EN
The aim of this article is to present aspects of Russian historical policy considering Russian-Latvian disputes over the interpretations of the events of the Second World War, whose symbols are the monuments commemorating Soviet soldiers. The Monument of the Liberators of Riga, standing in the town centre, is the most controversial one. However, other memorials are also problematic. Some politicians and Latvian inhabitants consider them symbols of Soviet occupation, which in extreme cases leads to the desecration of cemeteries or destruction of monuments. The harsh reactions of Russia evoke attempts to commemorate "participants in the war of independence" - in fact soldiers of the Latvian SS Legion.
EN
In light of the most recent Argentinian novels published on the theme of post-dictatorial historical memory, two writers, accounting for past and present experiences of violence, coincide in the narrative elaboration of the world as seen through the eyes of a child. Laura Alcoba does this in The Rabbit House (2008) and The Blue of the Bees (2014), and Jenny Erpenbeck, in The Book of Words (2007). Since both authors originally wrote in a foreign language, the experiences pass through an additional filter for an Argentinian readership: the mediation of the Spanish language.Thus, in principle, these texts raise the issue of memory, but more specifically that of language, not only in its ability to name things but also and especially in its semantic movement—a displacement that allows something to be said without naming it openly. Such a space therefore acquires a fundamentally living and psychological dimension in the process of a therapeutic encounter with the past for anyone having grown up in an environment of violence.The goal of this work is to reflect on the artistic representations of childhood experiences that take on special importance in redefining the imperatives of duty pertaining to memory in the current socio-historical perspective.
EN
The article deals with the narratives on the First Czechoslovak Republic in the Czech communist and post-communist public discourse. It is argued that the attitude to the First Republic played an important role in the political history of the Czech society in the second half of the twentieth century. The article shows that the negative narratives on this period were of key importance for the legitimisation of the communist regime whilst the positive narratives were an essential component in the discourse of anti-communists, supporters of the democratic reforms and the dissident movement in the 1970s and 1980s. The 1989 revolution was interpreted both as the return to the success of the First Republic democracy and economic system, and as the imagined return from the East to the West.
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