Place names derived from the given name Maria belong to the category of place names generated from women’s names. They appear quite late in history, the earliest records dating to c. the 16th and 17th centuries. They preserve and honour the names of the wives, daughters and other relatives of the locations’ founders. Formally, they belong to many types of derivatives, while their base is often a diminutive form of the name Maria. Foreign place names of French and German origin, adapted in many ways to the Polish language (phonetically, morphologically, lexically), are also of note. Such names are mainly found in central and northern Poland, and are entirely absent from the southern regions.The older place names, recorded around the 13th–14th centuries, are those derived from the name Maria, which refer to Blessed Mother Mary as the patron of a monastery (Teutonic Order) or church. There are many found in the Elbląg and Olsztyn voivodeships (regions), which is indeed related to the presence of Teutonic Order monasteries in this area. This type of place name is not entirely foreign to the Polish method of name giving, however it appears rarely, and (other than Mariańsk) later. The Blessed Mother Mary as a patron saint is a common inspiration for church and street names. However, in comparison to church and street names, there are no place names inspired by the qualities of the Blessed Mother Mary (except Marzęcin, German Jungfer and Niepokalanów, however the latter refers to a monastery, not a place).
The article relates to male names of the subjects in the grounds of the Camaldolese monks from the Lake Wigry area.. The names originate from the manuscript called Inwentarz Ogólny Dóbr Funduszowych Klasztoru Wygerskiego Xięży Kamaldulow przed Generalną Komissyą J.K.Mśi y Rzeczpospolitej sporządzony. Roku 1745. The subjects of the Camaldolese monastery had primarily Christian names. Among Slavic names it is possible to mention only the most popular ones that refer to Roman Catholic Church Saints such as: Stanisław and Wojciech, and names (1971 M. Malec. Budowa morfologiczna staropolskich złożonych imion osobowych Stanisława Zbijowska,Janina Zbinowska, Wrocław.) given in royal families: Kazmierz and Bolesław. However, there is an exception of a Slavic name written in a shortened form Chwaluk, derived by the suffix –uk from the names of the type of Chwalisław. There are 69 male names mentioned in the document. The most popular ones are: Jan, Andrzej, Michał, Maciej, Szymon/Siemion, Chwiodor, Jakub,Paweł, Stefan, Marcin, Bazyli / Wasyl, Grzegorz / Hryhor, Franciszek, Józef, Aleksiej/Oleksiej,Mateusz and Wojciech.
In the article the author discusses the practice associated with name-giving among the residents of Łódź (only Catholics of Polish origin) during the period from the beginning of the seventeenth century to the first half of the nineteenth century. The material was collected from official documents. Habits associated with the first names were treated as a kind of linguistic behaviour that implements a specific communication need of the given community. Observations of these habits show that they oscillate - like any linguistic behaviour - between automatism (and convention) and spontaneity. Conventional measures that should be considered: the use of a limited collection of names that indicate a high degree of stability in subsequent periods and against the background of habits of name-giving in the region and other territories of the former Poland (especially the most popular names of women, e.g. Marianna, Katarzyna, Agnieszka and names of men, e.g. Józef, Jan, Franciszek) and inheritance of names. In contrast, a large number of rare names (names of women, e.g. Idalia, Jokasta, Kasylda, and of men, e.g. Bonawentura, Wit, Witalis) and a visible preference in some families for the usage of rare names, e.g. Damazy, Feliks, Lubomira (including Slavic first names, e.g. Bolesław, Władysław, Bronisław) were included as spontaneous factors. Analysis of the material reveals a tendency to differentiate names depending on the social status of the inhabitants (the representatives of the noble families often used rare names). The author also draws attention to the problem of the diversity of names in Łódź (both in the context of different collections of names and different practices) depending on parameters such as the religion (Catholics, Protestants, Jews) and nationality (Poles, Germans, Czechs) of residents of the city.
The subject of the presented study are the names given to boys in the years 1950-1955 and 1980-1985 in the parish of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in Częstochowa. The paper presents a qualitative and frequency analysis of names given for the first, second and sometimes third time. While collecting research material, the parents’ forenames were also considered. To assess, whether the choice of forenames for boys was influenced by their fathers’ forenames. Based on the analyses presented, one may conclude that parents are only to a small extent guided by the names they bear when naming their children.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania są imiona nadawane chłopcom w latach 1950-1955 oraz 1980-1985 w parafii pw. Najświętszego Serca Pana Jezusa w Częstochowie. W artykule przedstawiono analizę jakościową i frekwencyjną imion nadanych po raz pierwszy, drugi, a niekiedy trzeci. Aby ocenić, czy na wybór imion dla chłopców miały wpływ imiona ich ojców, przy zbieraniu materiału badawczego uwzględniono również imiona rodzica. Na podstawie przedstawionych analiz można wywnioskować, że rodzice, nadając imię swojemu dziecku, tylko w małej mierze kierują się imionami, które sami noszą.
In the article, the naming convention in the parish Unierzyż in Mazovia was presented. The names had been excerpted from four parish registers of Unierzyż from 1670 to 1800. The analyzed material allows to ascertain that in that period of time and in the indicated area the most popular feminine name was Marianna and the masculine one – Jan. Several feminine (Katarzyna, Agnieszka, Zofia and Anna) as well as masculine (Jan, Paweł and Piotr) names, which used to appear with high frequency, were isolated, too. Besides, many unique names referring only to one bearer were noticed as well.
The article is a kind of complement to the publication of Prof. dr hab. Józefa Kobylińska on the names of the Dominican fathers from the 17 th and 18 th centuries (2018). The aim of this text is to analyse the names of the Dominican nuns from the same period (17 th –18 th century) in order to complete the image of the Dominican religious naming in Krakow. The analysis revealed 71 anthroponyms that were used to name nuns in the described period, showed their occurrence, popularity and motivation, and pointed to the genesis of creation as a religious name. The article also classifies names according to cultural and religious sources, compares the collection of female names with male Dominican names, and describes the evolution of the name change practice in the Dominican Order.
The article presents names of Upper Silesia and Zagłębie dwellers within the space of four generations (from 1925 to 2003). These names were shown from the historical and cultural perspective for both specific regions, which although being one administrative unit, have strong sense of identity. This article attempts to answer the question of whether and to what extent historic, social and cultural factors, shaping the mentality of both regions’ dwellers, affected the process of naming? Is this antroponimic factor supporting especially nowadays to maintain the identity of both discussed regions?
The paper examines the given names of people born in Nakło (south-east Krajna region) between 1874 and 1875. The anthroponymic material was extracted from the records of the Civil Registry Office of Nakło Miasto. The sources mentioned were written in German. In this paper, proper names of Catholics, Evangelic and Jewish people are analysed, with special focus on their etymology, frequency, and polyonymy. The aim is to show the similarities and differences in the anthroponymy of these groups. The analysis has shown that each religious group in Nakło in the 1870s, despite common onomasticon, established its own anthroponymic system.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu są imiona osób urodzonych w Nakle (południowo-wschodnia Krajna) w latach 1874–1875. Materiał antroponimiczny został wyekscerpowany z akt Urzędu Stanu Cywilnego Nakło Miasto, prowadzonych w języku niemieckim. Analizie uwzględniającej etymologię i częstotliwość antroponimów, a także wieloimienność poddano imiona katolików, ewangelików i żydów. Ukazano podobieństwa i różnice w antroponimii wymienionych grup. Przeprowadzona analiza dowodzi, iż każda grupa wyznaniowa w Nakle w latach 70. XIX wieku, mimo iż czerpała ze wspólnego zasobu imienniczego, rozwinęła swój własny system antroponimiczny.
The aim of the article is to present two most commonly given masculine and feminine names in two parishes of the northern Masovia at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. Christian names prevailed in the material. Also, it can be assumed that the magical and protective functions were taken into consideration when choosing a name. The names were often given according to a calendar. Choosing personal names in the parishes was also influenced by family traditions – the children used to be named after their parents. The most popular masculine name was Jan and the most popular feminine name was Marianna.
Artykuł zawiera informacje o wyborze i tradycjach związanych z nadaniem imienia dziecku muzułmańskiemu. Można w nim znaleźć wiadomości o tym, jakie imię jest najlepsze i najpiękniejsze dla dziecka płci męskiej i jakie dla płci żeńskiej, jakie zasady stosuje się przy wyborze imienia, jakie imiona zaleca Prorok. Artykuł zawiera opis obrzędu, w którym dziecko dostaje imię, jego przebieg i główne przesłanie. Z referatu można też dowiedzieć się o obrzędzie, który towarzyszy nadaniu imienia i jest symbolicznym włączeniem dziecka do wspólnoty muzułmańskiej. Na samym końcu artykułu autorka zebrała wypowiedzi Mahometa dotyczące prawidłowego wyboru imienia, jego porady odnośnie tego, jakie imię może przynieść zbawienie dziecku i jego rodzicom.
EN
The present article includes information on the choice of a name and traditions connected with giving it to a Muslim child. The reader may find information here on the best and most beautiful name for a boy-child and the best and most beautiful name for a girl-child, what principles are applied when choosing a name and what names the Prophet suggests. The article describes the ritual, during which a child is given a name, its procedure and the main message. The reader may learn here also about another ritual which accompanies the name-giving ritual and is a symbolic moment of joining the child to the Muslim community. At the end of the present article, the author collected Mohammad’s sentences on the correct choice of a name, his advice on what name can bring salvation to the child and his parents.
Imiona są częścią oficjalnych i obyczajowych tradycji każdego społeczeństwa. Zachowują one elementy kultury materialnej i duchowej. W systemie leksykalnym i gramatycznym ujawniają związek genetyczny z ogólnym systemem języka. Imiona funkcjonują w społeczeństwie jako jeden z elementów kultury duchowej narodu. Imię Maria pojawia się w swojej pierwotnej funkcji – jako imię, ale również jako tworzywo nazw sekundarnych – nazwisk, nazw geograficznych (miejscowych, toponimicznych), włączając się w onomastykon kulturowy i językowy wielorakimi znaczeniami.
EN
Personal names are part of legal and moral traditions of each society. They preserve various elements of material and spiritual culture. A genetic link between names and language manifests itself in the lexical and grammatical system. Names function in society as one of the components of culture. The name Maria appears in its original function – as a personal name, but also as a base of secondary names: surnames, geographical names (local, toponyms), participating in the cultural and linguistic onomasticon with multiple meanings
Imiona władców, przodków, urzędników, nauczycieli były uważane w Chinach za tabu, tzn. nie wolno ich było wymawiać ani zapisywać. Zwyczaj ten miał ogromny wpływ na chińską kulturę i poważne konsekwencje dla codziennego życia wielu Chińczyków, jak również dla chińskiej historiografii. Ze względu na tabu wiele imion, tytułów i nazw geograficznych zostało zmienionych. Ludzie byli zmuszeni do rezygnacji z kariery lub zmiany stylu życia, aby zachować tabu imienia. Niektórzy z nich tracili z tego powodu życie. Tabuizowanie imienia było wyrazem grzeczności i szacunku, strachu i złości, legitymizacji władzy. Było ono ważnym elementem chińskiej kultury, a Chińczycy widzieli w nim istotny czynnik społeczny. Trudno zrozumieć chińską tradycyjną kulturę, nie biorąc pod uwagę tabuizowania imienia.
EN
The names of sovereigns, ancestors, officials, teachers, were taboo in China – it was prohibited to pronounce or record them. This custom had an enormous impact on Chinese culture and serious consequences for the daily lives of many Chinese as well as for Chinese historiography. Because of such name tabooing many given names, titles and geographical names were changed. People had to stop their careers or change their lifestyle in order to maintain a naming taboo. Some of them were even killed in relation to the tabooing of names. The tabooing of names was an expression of courtesy and respect, fear and anger, legitimisation of power. It existed as an important element of Chinese culture and was perceived by the Chinese as a significant social factor. Chinese traditional culture cannot be contemplated without the tabooing of names taken into account.
This article aims to present the motivation behind the first-name choices of parents forming bicultural and binational families (Polish-Moldovan, Polish-Ukrainian, Polish-Belarusian, Polish-Kazakh and Polish-Russian) as well as emigrant families from Moldova, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan living in Poland. How these names function in the social space is also described in several settings: at home, among peers and among family living both in and outside Poland. A sociolinguistic perspective allows us to draw conclusions on the relationship between name choice and the parents’ plans for acculturation. The study material was collected mainly via surveys. Additionally, observation of the participants and in-depth interviews were performed. Twenty-six families took part in the study, including 42 children. Some have more than one first name. The material studied revealed a tendency towards complete assimilation in the country of settlement and its culture. However, respondents also declared a desire and attempt to raise bilingual children as well as maintain ties to the emigrant parents’ home country and culture.
Ph 2, 6-11 in a poetic way describes the paradoxical way of Jesus Christ. Being equal with God, He entered human history with no privileges and identified Himself with every human being. Of His own free will, He experienced complete insignificance. He subordinated himself to man. He survived extreme humiliation. God confirmed His way by raising Him above all and bestowing upon him the dignity of Kyrios, to whom all creation pay homage. This hymn is perfect paranesis. It encourages Christians to follow the way marked by Christ and to resign voluntarily from the battle for personal reputation, laws and merits. It proposes persistence, self-sacrifice and renunciation. To ascend highly one must descend.
Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie o repertuar imienniczy, z którego korzystali koloniści z Bambergu (oraz ich potomkowie) zwani Bambrami, zaproszeni na początku XVIII w. do opustoszałych i zniszczonych wsi podpoznańskich. Przyjęta w artykule teza dotyczy imion jako nośników wartości, które kreowały tożsamość kulturową Bambrów. Przeprowadzona analiza materiałów źródłowych pokazuje, że wybory onimiczne u Bambrów determinował model katolika, oparty na uznaniu religii i wiary katolickiej za autorytet we wszystkich sprawach społecznych. Imiona Bambrów były znakiem ich katolickiej tradycji i stałości kulturowej. Uwaga autorki skupia się także na strategiach adaptacyjnych pozwalających tej małej grupie etnokulturowej zachować w nowym otoczeniu równowagę pomiędzy pamięcią o własnych korzeniach a integracją.
EN
The article is an attempt to determine names which were used by colonists from Bamberg (and their descendants), called Bambers, invited to derelict and deserted villages near Poznań at the beginning of the 18th century. The thesis adopted in the article concerns names as carriers of values that created the cultural identity of Bambers. The analysis of the source material shows that the choice of names in this group was determined by the Catholic model, based on the recognition of the Catholic religion and Catholic faith as an authority in all social matters. The names of Bambers were a reflection of their Catholic tradition and the cultural stability. The article also focuses on adaptation strategies that allowed this small ethno-cultural group to maintain a balance in the new environment between the memory of their own roots and integration.
In the patristic era, the etymology of biblical names was eagerly focused on because the Church Fathers were convinced that the names used in the Bible had a hidden meaning, as St. Augustine in De doctrina christiana 2, 38, 56-57 (cf. PL 34, 61-62). In the East, Origen dealt extensively with the etymology of names, while in the West, St. Jerome of Stridon. This article presents selected patristic interpretations of the name of Mary, based mainly on the interpretations of St. Jerome (cf. Liber de nominibus hebraicis, PL 23, 771-858), who was the first of the Fathers of the Western Church to deduce the etymology of names. I confront the etymologies proposed by him (Mary=illuminatrix/illuminata/illuminant me isti, smyrna maris, stella maris, amarum mare, domina) with the present state of knowledge about the Semitic languages and I compare them with the Greek Onomastica sacra. In the last point, I analyze selected Post-Jerome interpretations of this name (Ambrose of Milan, Eucherius of Lyon, Isidore of Seville).
PL
W erze patrystycznej chętnie pochylano się nad etymologią imion biblijnych, ponieważ Ojcowie Kościoła byli przekonani, że imiona używane w Biblii zawierają ukryte znaczenie, jak utrzymywał św. Augustyn w De doctrina christiana 2, 38, 56-57 (por. PL 34, 61-62). Na Wschodzie etymologią imion zajmował się obszernie Orygenes, na Zachodzie zaś św. Hieronim ze Strydonu. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia wybrane patrystyczne interpretacje na temat imienia Maria, opierając się głównie na przekazie Hieronima (por. Liber de nominibus hebraicis, PL 23, 771-858), który jako pierwszy spośród Ojców Kościoła zachodniego zajął się wyprowadzaniem etymologii nazw własnych. Etymologie zaproponowane przez Strydończyka (Maria = illuminatrix/illuminata/illuminant me isti, smyrna maris, stella maris, amarum mare, domina) konfrontujemy z dzisiejszym stanem wiedzy o językach semickich i zestawiamy je z greckimi Onomastica sacra. W podpunkcie ostatnim zaś analizujemy wybrane pohieronimowe interpretacje tegoż imienia (Ambroży z Mediolanu, Eucheriusz z Lyonu, Izydor z Sewilli).
St. Stanislaus, bishop and martyr, is one of the few saints of the Church bearing a traditional Slavic name. It belongs to an Indo-European Anthroponomastic system as a compound name whose components represent a pattern inherited from the period of the Indo-European community. This is a fortune-telling name (a nomen-omen) given to a child on a wish of the parents, who wanted him to be famous (Polish ‘slawa’ means ‘fame’)- Today, in our Christian culture, in choosing a name for the child we considerthe following: 1) the child ‘brought’ his/her name (i.e. is given the name of the day’s patron; this is the gist of our ‘nameday’), 2) a family tradition, 3) respect for the grandfather or father (grandmother, mother), 4) fashion. Today’s anthroponomastic system in Slavic languages (except Bulgarian) has grown cold leaving us unable to acquire precise understanding of the meaning of the name. Besides, nowadays names only denote, theydo not mean anything. Compound Slavic names refer in their structure to names from other groups of the Indo-European community and are closely linked with a nation’s spiritual culture and appropriate ultimate and instrumental values. In Indo-European languages a different number of lexical components is used in names as their first or second part: in Old Indian - 865; in Old Persian and Median - 43; in Greek - 1015; in the Celtic group - 336; the German one - 1800 and in the Slavic group - 220. The most numerous in Old Polish anthroponomastics were names with the component slaw. As the first component - slaw appears in 4 names, and as the second, in 100. This component has appeared from times immemorial in Indian, Avestan, Greek and Illyrian names. Name Stanislaus is known in all Slavic countries, while its feminine form only in Polish, Bulgarian, Serb and Croatian. In Poland it has been in use since very old times up to now. Numerous surnames and names of places derive from it. The popularity of the name waned slightly in the 19th century, but it has never come into disuse as was the case with many Slavic names, which were ‘dug out’ in the 19th century, and not infrequently, erroneously read. A great number of Indo-European names with the component - ‘slaw’ testifies to the fact that people who bore that name always wanted to be the bearers offame, good fame that is, such as St. Stanislaus, bishop and martyr, has enjoyed.
PL
Św. Stanisław jest jednym z nielicznych świętych Kościoła powszechnego noszących tradycyjne słowiańskie imię. Należy ono do kręgu imion dwuczłonowych, mających starą indoeuropejską tradycję. Trzeba podkreślić, że imię Stanisław od czasów kanonizacji świętego biskupa zawsze było w Polsce używane. Czasem jego popularność nieco słabła, ale nigdy nie zostało zapomniane, jak wiele imion słowiańskich, które dopiero„odgrzebano” w XIX w. Obecność członu odpowiednika słowiańskiego -sław w imionach indoeuropejskich, jego wysoka frekwencja w imionach greckich i słowiańskich pokazuje, że nacechowana pozytywnie wartość tego elementu leksykalnego miała ogromne znaczenie dla człowieka, który zawsze chybachciał być człowiekiem „dobrej sławy”, takiej, jaką się cieszył nasz święty patron - biskup i męczennik Stanisław.
The name Stanislaus (or its diminutive form) appears in Cracow burghers’ families in which names that sounded German, Polish or Ruthenian were recorded. We come across the name Stanislaus in the families of mayors of villages, aldermen, scribes, merchants, butchers, blacksmiths, maltsters and shoemakers. It can be inferred that the appearance of this name was widespread and encompassed all groups of burghers, which may be regarded as indirect proof of the popularity of the worship of St. Stanislaus.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia fakty na temat występowania imienia Stanisław wśród mieszczan krakowskich do 1333 roku. Przytoczone życiorysy mieszczan umożliwiają szkicowe nakreślenie środowisk, z których pochodzili ludzie noszący imię Stanisław. Zestawienie to wskazuje, że imię Stanisław (lub w formie zdrobniałej) występowało w rodzinach, w których poświadczone są imiona niemiecko brzmiące Albert i Hencze, polsko brzmiące Jaszko, czy rusko brzmiące Wasyl. Imię Stanisław napotyka się w rodzinach wójtów, ławników, pisarzy miejskich, kupców, rzeźników, kowali, słodowników i szewców. Jest to wniosek ważny, gdyż zestawienie to wskazuje niezbicie, że imię to miało wówczas zasięg szeroki, nie ograniczający się do jednej grupy mieszczan.
The author notes that the fact of omitting the names, titles, ranks, etc. when using surnames is increasingly represented in the media, which, in turn, has serious social consequences. It proves that it is not only contempt, but also a kind of “objectification” of people, deprivation of dignity, “linguistic deprivation of authority” by the media. This way journalists also reduce the role of such concepts like: respect, model, authority, or, on the contrary – media broadcasters discourage their recipients.
PL
Autorka zauważa, że coraz częściej reprezentowane jest w środkach masowego przekazu pomijanie imion, tytułów, godności, nazw pełnionych funkcji itp. przy przywoływanych nazwiskach, co pociąga za sobą poważne konsekwencje społeczne. Świadczy to nie tylko o lekceważeniu, ale także o swego rodzaju „uprzedmiotowieniu” osób, odarciu z godności, „językowym pozbawieniu autorytetu” przez media. Dziennikarze w ten sposób pomniejszają również w życiu odbiorców rolę takich pojęć, jak: szacunek, wzorzec, autorytet lub przeciwnie, nadawcy medialni zniechęcają odbiorców do siebie.
The problem of the Ukrainian first names functioning in the Czech Republic anthroponymic space is quite extensive and covers many issues. The article is focused on the research of the ways the Ukrainian first names are presented in the Czech onomastic papers, in particular, in the Czech anthroponymic dictionary Jak se bude vaše dítě jmenovat? (2017) by the famous Czech scholar Miloslava Knappová. The 2017 latest edition contains 17,000 Czech and foreign‑language forms of first names. Parents have the right to choose any of these first names (be it Czech or foreign) for their child, and if this first name is included in the above-mentioned dictionary, it is a sufficient reason for the chosen name official recording. In the lexical entries, the author provides the Ukrainian equivalents among other foreign‑language parallel forms. These Ukrainian counterparts, in particular, constitute the main source of our research. Also, in the article, the material recorded in the Ukrainian dictionaries has been used to compare different reference sources. To carry out the analysis of the Ukrainian first names functioning in the Czech anthroponymy, the author has used the linguistic descriptive method, comparative and statistical methods. The problem of the Ukrainian first names functioning in the Czech Republic is complicated by the fact that in the Ukrainian language, Cyrillic is used, and the Czech language uses the Roman alphabet. Principles to transliterate the Ukrainian names, written in Cyrillic, by means of the Czech graphemes are presented in the rules of the Czech orthography. It has been concluded that the rules of the Czech orthography are quite efficient in transliterating the Ukrainian names, so they can be used as a reliable example. In the article, various problems arising when the Ukrainian first names are transliterated using the Czech graphemes have been analysed. In particular, a special attention has been paid to the problem of transliterating the Ukrainian letter г in those first names, as well as peculiarities of transliterating the letters и and і, and the ways to render palatalization of the Ukrainian consonants. Issues related to transliteration of the Ukrainian letter є and the general problem of rendering Ukrainian names’ iotation have been analysed. The frequency of the studied names’ use in the Ukrainian anthroponymy has been studied. Several proposals on possible future expansion of the Ukrainian parallels repertoire in the Czech dictionary of first names have been defined. As a result of the analysis carried out, it has become clear that the repertoire of the Ukrainian first names, represented in the Czech dictionary, is very rich and varied, containing 409 Ukrainian male names and 271 Ukrainian female names. They are registered by the Ukrainian dictionaries of first names and correspond to the Ukrainian spelling of 305 male names and 215 female names.
PL
Problem funkcjonowania ukraińskich imion w przestrzeni antroponimicznej Republiki Czeskiej jest dość obszerny i obejmuje wiele kwestii. Artykuł ma na celu ustalić, jak ukraińskie imiona są podawane w czeskich pracach onomastycznych, w szczególności w czeskim słowniku imion Jak se bude vaše dítě jmenovat? autorstwa słynnej czeskiej badaczki Miłosławy Knappowej (2017). Jego najnowsza edycja z 2017 roku obejmuje 17 000 czeskich i obcych form imion. Każde z tych imion (czeskie lub obce) rodzice mają prawo wybrać dla dziecka, jego obecność w wyżej wymienionym słowniku jest wystarczającym powodem do oficjalnego wpisania imienia. Hasła słownika obok obcojęzycznych przedstawiają również ukraińskie odpowiedniki, które są podstawą badania. W artykule w celu porównania wykorzystano materiał obecny w ukraińskich słownikach imion. Analizy ukraińskich imion w czeskim antroponimikonie dokonano drogą wykorzystania metody opisu językoznawczego oraz metody porównawczej i statystycznej. Problem funkcjonowania ukraińskich imion w Republice Czeskiej komplikuje fakt, że język ukraiński posługuje się cyrylicą, a czeski – łaciną. Zasady przekazywania ukraińskich nazw własnych, pisanych cyrylicą, za pomocą zasobów czeskiej grafiki podane są w Przepisach czeskiej pisowni. W artykule stwierdzono, że Przepisy czeskiej pisowni skutecznie przekazują ukraińskie imiona, dzięki czemu mogą być bezpiecznie stosowane. Artykuł analizuje różne problemy, które pojawiają się, gdy ukraińskie imiona są przekazywane za pomocą czeskiej grafiki. Zwrócono uwagę na problem przekazu w imionach ukraińskiej litery г, osobliwości przekazu liter и i і oraz zapisywanie miękkości spółgłosek ukraińskich. Dokonano analizy przekazu ukraińskiej litery є i problemu przeniesienia jotacji w ukraińskich imionach. Wskazano na częstotliwość używania badanych imion w ukraińskim antroponimikonie. Zasugerowano propozycję ewentualnego rozszerzenia repertuaru ukraińskich odpowiedników imion w czeskim słowniku imion w przyszłości. W wyniku dokonanej analizy ustalono, że repertuar imion ukraińskich, który jest reprezentowany w czeskim słowniku imion, jest bardzo bogaty i różnorodny: mieści się w nim 409 męskich imion ukraińskich i 271 żeńskich imion ukraińskich. Spośród nich odnotowano w ukraińskich słownikach imion, odpowiadające im w ukraińskiej pisowni nazwy – 305 imion męskich i 215 żeńskich.
UK
The problem of the functioning of Ukrainian names in the anthroponymic space of the Czech Republic is quite voluminous and covers many issues. The article focuses on one of these issues: how the Ukrainian names are presented in Czech onomastic works, in particular in the Czech dictionary of the names of the famous Czech scholar Miloslava Knappova Jak se bude vaše dítě jmenovat? (2017). Its latest edition of 2017 covers 17 thousand Czech and other language names. In the glossary articles, the author between the foreign language parallels is also presenting corresponding Ukrainian names. Parents have the right to choose any of these names (Czech or foreign) for their child, its presence in the above-mentioned dictionary is a sufficient reason for the official record of the name.The problem of the functioning of Ukrainian names in the Czech Republic is complicated by the fact that the Ukrainian language uses Cyrillic, and Czech uses Latin. Principles of the transfer of Ukrainian proper names, written by Cyrillic, by means of Czech graphic are given in the Rules of Czech spelling. The article concludes that the Czech spelling rules are very successful in presenting Ukrainian names, so they can be safely used as a reliable example.As a result of the analysis, it became clear that the repertoire of Ukrainian names, which is represented in the Czech Dictionary of Names, is very rich and varied: it's 409 Ukrainian male names and 271 Ukrainian female names. They are recorded in Ukrainian dictionaries of names and correspond to the Ukrainian spelling of 307 male names and 217 female names.The article analyzes the various problems that arise when the Ukrainian names are translated using Czech graphics. In particular, attention was paid to the problem of transferring the Ukrainian letter "г" in their personal names, the peculiarities of the letters "и" and "и", and the reproduction of the softness of the Ukrainian consonants. The transfer of the Ukrainian letter "є" and a general problem of the transfer of iotation in Ukrainian names were analysed. The frequency of the use of studied names in the Ukrainian anthroponymic is indicated. Proposals on possible expansion of the Ukrainian repertoire of parallels in the Czech Dictionary of Names in the future are expressed.
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