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1

Morphology of extensor digitorum longus of Wistar rats after remobilization by vibratory platform

100%

Izabela Rodrigues Camilo I. R., Maria Luiza Serradourada Wutzke M. L. S., Rose Meire Costa R. M., Gladson Ricardo Flor Bertolini G. R. F., Lucinéia de Fátima Chasko Ribeiro L.

European Journal of Clinical and Experimental Medicine

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2019

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issue 4

295-300

EN

Introduction. In exercise, vibrations are performed in order to produce rapid and short changes in muscle length. These changes are detected by sensory receptors, in response try to dampen the vibratory waves through a modulation of muscle stiffness. However, its effects on the morphology of muscle tissue are still not fully established, especially after long periods of immobilization. Aim. To compare the effects of the vibratory platform on the remobilization of the extensor digitorum longus (EDL) muscle of Wistar rats with free remobilization. Material and methods. 20 rats were divided into: CG (Control), IG (immobilized), IFG (immobilization and free remobilization), IPG (immobilization and remobilization with vibratory platform). The immobilization was performed on the pelvic limb for 15 days. The remobilization with vibratory platform was done for 10 minutes daily, for 2 weeks. The EDL was processed for histological analysis of cross-sections. Results. The area, larger diameter, smaller diameter and fiber density of the EDL muscle of GI presented significant alteration when opposed to CG, IFG and IPG. The density of nuclei of the EDL muscle of IG presented a significant increase when opposed to the others, and IPG also presented a significant increase when compared to CG. Conclusion. The morphology and morphometry of the EDL muscle tissue were affected, and both free and vibration platform remobilization re-established the morphological aspects of the muscle fiber, without significant differences between the methods.

2

Is the information contained in coin designs fully reliable?

75%

Suchodolski S.

Wiadomości Numizmatyczne

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2008

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vol. 52

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issue 2(186)

117-138

EN

It is widely believed that the data contained in coin designs are fully reliable. In fact, the metrical data, i.e. information about the issuer, place and time of mintage are not always accurate. This can be the case of modern or even almost contemporary coins. Dates on coins happened not to be updated under Russian partition, German occupations during the WW II and Russian occupation in Polish People Republic. Unmatched record are thalers with an image and name of the Empress Maria Theresa (d. 1780) minted in large quantities in different countries with the same design for two hundred years. Although a similar situation could have existed in the early Middle Ages, we are lacking written sources to confirm that. The very coins are thus the only source. There are two main reasons why designs, these certificates of coins, happened to be false: first, because foreign coin designs were imitated; second, because own coin designs were not changed and thus underwent immobilization. In the first case, coins with the best reputation were imitated: Roman, Byzantine, Anglo-Saxon and Cologne coins, but also gold Arabic dinars. The best known examples of immobilized coins are Carolingian and Saxon pennies and pfennings with the names of the King Otto III and the Empress Adelheid. The latter were minted in large quantities for more than half a century. Therefore they were imitated both in Saxony and Poland, where also Anglo-Saxon, Bavarian and Czech patterns were copied. The best way to identify the real issuer, place and time of issuing of various imitations is to examine the die-links between these imitations and coins with ascertained designs. Nevertheless, sometimes new information contained in the designs of coins, and not taken from outside or from the past, is false. Good example are the twelfth / thirteenth century regional issues of a number of dukes in Poland who did not possess the right of minting. Therefore they issued coins with the names and images of their late fathers or even earlier ancestor. Errors in identifying coins may, however, arise not only from entrusting the false certificates, but also because of the improper interpretation of the designs. It is assumed, for example, that the legends explain the images from the field. In fact, words and images were separate elements that did not have to match. Falsifying legends occurred more frequently than one might expect in different times and on various territories. The driving force behind such actions was mainly economic, and sometimes also political. Accidents also played role. Therefore one must first thoroughly examine a coin, before he makes an attempt to interpret it as a historical source. Slightly extended version of this text in Polish was to appear in the publication of materials from the conference Money and Banking in Great Poland held in Poznań on 20-21 November 2008 (35 figures).

3

The pandemic as an antidote to populism: Punishment, immobilisation, and COVID-19

65%

Pratt J., Lutyens D.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2021

PL

The contemporary rise of populism across much of Western society – especially the Anglosphere countries that are the main focus of this article – has threatened many of the protections and freedoms provided by the post-1945 commitment to a democratic political order: guarantees of human rights, adherence to the rule of law, and a media that is free to criticise governments and hold them to account. Populism has also come to be associated with a very different penal programme from that which, for several decades after 1945, characterised a given society’s commitment to democracy. That pattern of justice – largely based on reason, liberalism, and expert knowledge – was significant beyond its operational boundaries. It symbolised the Western democratic order, standing out as a beacon of humanity against totalitarianism. The rise of populism, however, has helped to fashion a very different penal programme, associated with historic rises in imprisonment levels and the immobilisation of those who pose risks to public well-being – even if, in so doing, the foundations of criminal justice in the democratic world are undermined by the strategies employed. It might thus be supposed that governmental reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic pose a further threat to democracy and its criminal justice processes. Additional forms of immobilisation have been introduced to combat the spread of the virus: restrictions on freedom of movement in public spaces or stay-at-home orders equivalent to house arrest – controls which now cover entire nations rather than just individuals at risk of committing particular crimes. As such, this kind of ‘rule by decree’ might seem to be a blueprint for would-be autocrats wishing to subvert democratic processes and forms of accountability altogether. However, the article also argues that the pandemic provides very different possibilities of governance to populist authoritarianism. Indeed, the virus acts as an antidote to populism. COVID-19 has laughed in the face of populist demagogues. It shows them to be nothing more than incompetent, though usually malevolent, charlatans with some of the world’s highest infection and fatality rates in their societies. Instead of their empty populist blustering, the pandemic can only be eliminated by science and expert knowledge, acting in conjunction with a strong but accountable central government amidst forms of immobilisation to which the general public have largely acquiesced – strengthening rather than weakening social cohesion in the process in many instances. As the virus has eaten into the support for populism, the dangers which the latter posed to democratic order have also been pushed back. Previous pandemics have been followed by dramatic social and economic changes. Such changes post-COVID-19 may now sever the links between populism and penal development, allowing for a different and more restricted penal framework. Współczesny wzrost populizmu w znacznej części społeczeństw zachodnich – zwłaszcza w krajach anglosaskich, na których koncentruje się niniejszy artykuł – zagraża wielu prawom i wolnościom wprowadzonym po 1945 roku do demokratycznego ustroju politycznego, w tym: gwarancjom praw człowieka, przestrzeganiu praworządności oraz swobodzie krytykowania rządu przez media i pociągania go do odpowiedzialności. Obecnie populizm zaczął być kojarzony z zupełnie inną polityką kryminalną, niż ta, która przez kilkadziesiąt lat przed 1945 rokiem charakteryzowała się zaangażowaniem społeczeństwa w demokrację. Ten wzorzec sprawiedliwości – w dużej mierze oparty na racjonalizmie, liberalizmie i wiedzy eksperckiej – miał znaczenie także poza granicami jego obowiązywania. Symbolizował zachodni porządek demokratyczny, wyróżniający się jako wzorzec przeciwko totalitaryzmowi. Jednak wzrost populizmu pomógł ukształtować zupełnie inną politykę kryminalną, związaną z historycznym wzrostem orzekanych kar pozbawienia wolności i izolacją tych, którzy stanowią zagrożenie dla dobrobytu publicznego – nawet jeśli obowiązujące strategie podważają taki sposób postepowania w sprawach karnych w demokratycznym świecie. Można zatem przypuszczać, że reakcje rządów na pandemię COVID-19 stanowią kolejne zagrożenie dla demokracji i procesów karnych. W celu przeciwdziałania rozprzestrzenianiu się wirusa wprowadzono dodatkowe ograniczenia mobilności: ograniczenie swobody poruszania się w przestrzeni publicznej lub nakaz pozostania w domu równoznaczny z aresztem domowym – a zatem kontrole, które obecnie obejmują całe społeczności, a nie tylko osoby mogące popełnić przestępstwo. Tego rodzaju rządzenie dekretami, pomijające parlamenty i oddające w ręce rządu władzę do przedłużania sytuacji wyjątkowych, mogą stanowić wzorzec dla niedoszłych autokratów, chcących całkowicie obalić demokratyczne procesy i formy odpowiedzialności. Jednak, jak wynika z niniejszego artykułu, pandemia daje również zupełnie inne możliwości rządzenia niż autorytarny populizm. Wirus działa jak antidotum na populizm. COVID-19 wyśmiał populistycznych demagogów, pokazując, że są tylko niekompetentnymi, choć zwykle wrogimi, szarlatanami, którzy jednak przyczynili się do jednych z najwyższych na świecie wskaźników zachorowań i zgonów w swoich społeczeństwach. Pandemia może zostać wyeliminowana nie dzięki ich pustym, populistycznym hasłom, a dzięki nauce i wiedzy eksperckiej, działającej w połączeniu z silnym, ale poddanym kontroli rządem. Będzie on decydował o ograniczaniu mobilności, jednak w sposób, na który zgodzi się ogół społeczeństwa, co w wielu przypadkach przyczyni się do wzmocnienia, a nie osłabienia spójności społecznej. Ponieważ wirus osłabił poparcie dla populizmu, zagrożenia, jakie ten ostatni stwarzał dla porządku demokratycznego, również zostały zminimalizowane. Po poprzednich pandemiach nastąpiły drastyczne zmiany społeczne i gospodarcze. Takie zmiany po COVID-19 mogą zerwać powiązania między populizmem a rozwojem polityki kryminalnej, pozwalając na wprowadzanie innych, bardziej ograniczonych ram dla tej polityki.

EN

The contemporary rise of populism across much of Western society – especially the Anglosphere countries that are the main focus of this article – has threatened many of the protections and freedoms provided by the post-1945 commitment to a democratic political order: guarantees of human rights, adherence to the rule of law, and a media that is free to criticise governments and hold them to account. Populism has also come to be associated with a very different penal programme from that which, for several decades after 1945, characterised a given society’s commitment to democracy. That pattern of justice – largely based on reason, liberalism, and expert knowledge – was significant beyond its operational boundaries. It symbolised the Western democratic order, standing out as a beacon of humanity against totalitarianism. The rise of populism, however, has helped to fashion a very different penal programme, associated with historic rises in imprisonment levels and the immobilisation of those who pose risks to public well-being – even if, in so doing, the foundations of criminal justice in the democratic world are undermined by the strategies employed. It might thus be supposed that governmental reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic pose a further threat to democracy and its criminal justice processes. Additional forms of immobilisation have been introduced to combat the spread of the virus: restrictions on freedom of movement in public spaces or stay-at-home orders equivalent to house arrest – controls which now cover entire nations rather than just individuals at risk of committing particular crimes. As such, this kind of ‘rule by decree’ might seem to be a blueprint for would-be autocrats wishing to subvert democratic processes and forms of accountability altogether. However, the article also argues that the pandemic provides very different possibilities of governance to populist authoritarianism. Indeed, the virus acts as an antidote to populism. COVID-19 has laughed in the face of populist demagogues. It shows them to be nothing more than incompetent, though usually malevolent, charlatans with some of the world’s highest infection and fatality rates in their societies. Instead of their empty populist blustering, the pandemic can only be eliminated by science and expert knowledge, acting in conjunction with a strong but accountable central government amidst forms of immobilisation to which the general public have largely acquiesced – strengthening rather than weakening social cohesion in the process in many instances. As the virus has eaten into the support for populism, the dangers which the latter posed to democratic order have also been pushed back. Previous pandemics have been followed by dramatic social and economic changes. Such changes post-COVID-19 may now sever the links between populism and penal development, allowing for a different and more restricted penal framework.

4

Фармакотерапевтичний ефект стреспротекторів у віковому аспекті

51%

Holovanova A., Kyrychek L., Yermolenko T., Hladkykh F.

Path of Science

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2017

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vol. 3

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issue 12

5001-5013

UK

Наведено дані літератури та результати власних експериментальних досліджень щодо вікових аспектів стресових реакцій, які супроводжують людину від народження до зрілого віку. Стрес у дітей є емоційним і характеризується збільшенням загрудинної залози, а також зростанням рівня кортикостероїдів у крові, як відображення вродженого імуно-лімфоїдного захисту дитини, що виникає в процесі родового стресу матері. Решта показників нейрогормонального захисту (величина наднирників, селезінки, еозинопенія, гіперглікемія) є типовими, але менш вираженими, ніж у дорослих у зв’язку із функціональною недосконалістю систем і органів. Зрушення в рівновазі прооксидантно-антиоксидантної системи не відмічається. Крім того «дитячий» стрес проявляється дефіцитом магнію (Mg2+), порушенням кислотно-основної рівноваги та імунною недостатністю. Наведені вище відомості слугують підґрунтям необхідності залучення у повсякденну комплексну терапію будь-якого захворювання в залежності від показів, поряд з формулярними препаратами в дитячих дозах рослинних седативних засобів (Valeriana officinalis, Cardamine pratensis), психоседативних транквілізаторів і навіть нейролептиків, препаратів магнію, ехінацеї в поєднанні з цинком та вітаміном С. Рекомендуються також антиоксиданти, імуностимулятори та стреспротектори (пірацетам, амінолон, таурин), рослинні адаптогени (жень-шень (Pаnax), елеутерокок (Eleutherococcus)), які попереджають стресову реакцію, не порушуючи рівня природженого захисту зростаючого організму та психічні можливості дитини на рівні її фізичного розвитку.

XX

The data of the literature and the results of original experimental observations concerning the age aspects of stress reactions that accompany a person from birth to adulthood are given. Stress in children is emotional and is characterized by an increase in the thymus, as well as an increase in the level of corticosteroids in the blood, as a reflection of the innate immune-lymphoid defense of the child, which occurs in the process of the childbirth stress of mother. Other indicators of neurohormonal protection (adrenal glands, spleen, eosinopenia, hyperglycemia) are typical but less pronounced than in adults due to functional immaturity of systems and organs. The shift in the balance of the prooxidant-antioxidant system is not marked. In addition, "child" stress is manifested by deficiency of magnesium (Mg2+), a violation of the acid balance and immune deficiency. The above data serve as the basis for the proof of the need of involving in everyday complex therapy of any disease, depending on the indications, along with formulary preparations in children's doses of herbal sedatives (Valeriana officinalis, Cardamine pratensis), psycho-responsive tranquilizers and even neuroleptics, magnesium preparations, Echinacea in combination with Zinc and vitamin C. Also antioxidants, immunostimulants and stressors (piracetam, aminolon, taurine), plant adaptogenes (Panax, Eleutherococcus), which prevent a stress reaction, without violating the level of innate protection of the growing organism and the child's mental abilities at the level of its physical development, are recommended.

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1 Path of Science

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1 Gladson Ricardo Flor Bertolini G. R. F.

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1 Holovanova A.

1 Izabela Rodrigues Camilo I. R.

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1 Lucinéia de Fátima Chasko Ribeiro L.

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1 Maria Luiza Serradourada Wutzke M. L. S.

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1 Rose Meire Costa R. M.

1 Suchodolski S.

1 Yermolenko T.

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Morphology of extensor digitorum longus of Wistar rats after remobilization by vibratory platform

Is the information contained in coin designs fully reliable?

The pandemic as an antidote to populism: Punishment, immobilisation, and COVID-19

Фармакотерапевтичний ефект стреспротекторів у віковому аспекті