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EN
The paper deals with various economic interpretations of World War I which are often followed by changes in economic theory. It is shown, that most prevailing interpretations are still influenced by Karl Marx and his theories. Then, the sequential shift in economic or social policy and thinking is inevitably influenced by Marxism too. Authors writing in this tradition summarized that the capitalism leads to the monopolist structure of the economy and to the imperialism in economic policy. The war is then result of the struggle for foreign markets and resources. Using the economic theory and clarifying basic definition (for example competition, capitalism, socialism) the paper shows that it is not the "invisible hand" of capitalism what is a cause of war, but the "visible hand" of the state.
Nowa Krytyka
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2017
|
issue 38
115-138
EN
Svetovid is a Slavic four-headed god, which could be a metaphor of American military-industrial-media complex. Aim of this article is to analyze four main dimensions of mentioned above complex. First, probably the most obvious face of the complex are military interventions abroad, especially after World War II in the Greater Middle East. Second face is a wasteful character of the military spending, inefficiency of the military and corporate bureaucracies. Third element is presence of the militarism in the society, especially in American schools, which becomes vehicles for the army recruitment process. Last face of the military-industrial-media complex is a cultural one, epitomized by the film directed by Clint Eastwood, American sniper. In conclusion author describes some contradictions deeply embedded in American militarism.
EN
Globalisation processes are regarded as some of the most significant phenomena of the present world. According to more optimistic predictions, globalisation processes are responsible for making Marxist social theory and methodological Marxist research tools in the humanities outdated. Globalisation is a progressive, long-term cultural process, consisting of various complex historical factors – mainly economical ones. Cultural and external signs of globalisation are in fact a superstructure consisting of constitutive economical processes. Historical analysis prove, that the beginning of globalisation (in contemporary understanding of this term) should be sought for in colonial conquests having capitalist roots. The example of colonialism clearly shows economic – capitalist origins of national ideologies, such as racism. Ideologies, such as nationalism, seem to be inherent to the globalisation processes. They also seem to be their necessary and integral element. They can manifest themselves in two ways: in the first place: as being affirmative and equivalent, and secondly: on the basis of dialectical contradictions. It seems that globalisation has nothing to do with equality. Moreover, it is an expression of hegemony of anglo-american culture, and dictated by it cultural unification based upon Cocacolonization. Marxist philosophy shaped in face of these processes, based upon postulates of internationalism and international revolution, can be perceived as a social theory only within the context of antiglobalisation and anti-imperialism.
EN
The author discusses the Dictionary of Contemporary Dance (2022) reconstructing its structure and the main thematic areas. She refers to the metaphor of the rhizome book by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, activating it both in the context of the dictionary’s shape and dramaturgy, and in relation to contemporary dance as a field of performative arts characterized by heterogeneity and multiplicity. The main focus of the article is on the absence of the history of non-normative bodies and the work of artists with disabilities; the author critically examines this omission. Another strongly emphasized theme in the article is the connections between contemporary dance and phenomena such as orientalism and cultural imperialism. The aim of the article is, on one hand, to highlight the importance of the dictionary as a publication strengthening the autonomy of dance and choreography in Poland, and on the other hand, to expand the stories presented therein by reflecting on the mechanisms of exclusion and appropriation.
5
Content available remote

Colonialism in Kant’s Political Philosophy

88%
Diametros
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2014
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issue 39
154-181
EN
This article examines the controversy that has arisen concerning the interpretation of Immanuel Kant's account of European colonialism. One the one hand there are those interpreters such as Robert Bernasconi who see Kant's account as all of a piece with his earlier views on race which demonstrate a certain narrow mindedness in relation to black and coloured people and, on the other hand, there are those such as Pauline Kleingeld and Allen Wood who argue that the earlier writings on race are not wholly typical of Kant's approach and suggest that Kant's later discussions of colonialism in Perpetual Peace and the Metaphysics of Morals provide a better indication of Kant's progressive views on the treatment of non-European societies. The article draws attention to the very strong evidence of Kant's dislike for the pattern of European expansion to other parts of the globe and indicates that within Kant's writings there are the seeds of a wholly unconventional critical understanding of western colonialism that have yet to be developed fully. The article suggests that this critical understanding surpasses the unsystematic objections made to colonialism in post - modernist thought and also the critique proffered by the determinist Marxist account.
6
88%
EN
The author focuses on ideological tensions between post- and neo-imperialism in depicting Great Britain’s historical past in so-called heritage cinema (vintage movies), in particular in Chariots of Fire, directed by Hugh Hudson (1981). Since the movie’s main subject is sport – the British runners in the Paris Olympics in 1924 – the image of sportsmen and sport itself becomes a key problem in relation to British culture and tradition, as well as relations with the English team’s greatest rival, the new-born empire – the United States of America.
EN
Alejandro Lugo Independent ScholarUSAPhoto Essay: Re-Mapping the US-Mexico Border/landsAbstract: The United States-Mexico international border has been unilaterally re-mapped by the US government for almost three decades. A series of US congressional acts have intensified efforts to secure the border, inlcuding by building fences and walls. This photo essay presents images of the border barriers as well as borderland images. The fence or wall images are then intended, on my part, to be juxtaposed with borderland images that capture the social and political relations that manifest the complex ways the borderlands are being remapped through walls and their consequences-all in the context of the still so-called ‘American Dream.’ The goal of the photo essay is to help identify the different ways the remapping of the U.S.-Mexico border itself is being carried out, with or without the “great, beautiful wall” Donald Trump and his supporters are currently imagining and proposing.Keywords: photography, US-Mexico border, imperialism, the everyday, photoessay
EN
Over the past couple of decades, both the news media and mainstream literature have been awash with stories of some sort of renascent nationalism and populism. Some citizens have begun to express lack of confidence in core representative institutions, accusing politicians and entrepreneurs of having lost touch with the concerns of ordinary people. They demand protection from transnational economic forces undercutting their access to jobs, wages, and benefits, and in addition, from the threats of terrorism associated with Islamic extremism. In this piece, their questioning of liberal civil rights was reviewed. Efforts at liberal homogenization were examined, and the charge that conservative views trivialize the ethics of universal human care, love and collaboration, which are at the heart of creating enduring peace in the world, was considered.
EN
The aim of this article is to take a synthetic look at Tsarist Russia (from the 17th century onwards) and the USSR through ideas and deeds which marked Russian political thinking and action and involved an intent to extend the influence to other countries or territories.
EN
Central and Eastern Europe is viewed by the West as a peripheral region which is the object of political bargaining among different powerful countries. However, the Poland of the Jagiellonian era deserves the name of a regional power. The Polish-Lithuanian Federation constituted the basis for the system which was republican and monarchical at the same time and which was unusual in Western Europe. From the 14th to the 16th century, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was working towards its strong position in the region. In relations with the Vatican, Poland maintained its extensive autonomy. It was the 17th century that brought the regress which resulted from the evolution of the political system in the direction of noblemen’s oligarchy.
EN
In this article, the author examines the Arctic region in the context of the energy and security policy of the Russian Federation. The author emphasises the factors which currently influence the increasing interest in the Arctic of the countries which claim rights to this region, which are: the US, Canada, Denmark, Norway and the Russian Federation. Among the most important factors indicating the essence of the Arctic, the author points out, inter alia: plenty of energy deposits, which because of the changing climate, are more available, the size of the Arctic area and new transport routes. The author indicates the possibilities of using the Russian Federation policy regarding the Arctic in order to, among other things, strengthen the country’s international position. The author also presents the extent to which claiming the right to exclusive exploitation of mineral resources by the Russian Federation is the real motive of its actions and its intention to totally subordinate the Arctic area. Simultaneously, an attempt is made to answer the question whether the Arctic is likely to be a place of military conflict in the future? The article also examines the issues related to the legal status of the Russian Federation regarding the Arctic, the political activity of the Russian Federation in this region and the possibility of the Russian Federation exploiting energy resources in the Arctic region. The article brings together the issues connected with the Russian Federation and its policy in the region of the Arctic Ocean, and also portrays the importance of the Arctic in the changing international security environment.
EN
This paper discusses creation of the image of the Other from the standpoint of globalization. The objective is to prove the thesis that due to its particular nature, global reality does not tolerate the dichotomy of us vs. them. Also, it is not invalidated by the awareness that one’s own and the alien are more con-tiguous and permeate one another to a greater extent than ever before. The only elements which do change are the contexts surrounding that distinction and the tools of its production and dissemination. Within the consciousness, in the social notions and structures of knowledge, the post-colonial era remains profoundly colonial.  
EN
This article presents an argument against attempts to exclude the political perspective from the reading and reception of literature. Departing from the failed afrmation of radical autonomy of the Symbolic undertaken by poststructuralist philosophy (mainly Jean Baudrillard and Jacques Derrida) it argues for inclusion of the Real in the process of reading since it is always operational in the process of writing. Without going back to the metaphysics of presence, it puts forward an understanding of the Real that departs from the concept of disclosure (ἀλήθεια), but aims at a more negative and dialectical understanding of the Real as the force that disrupts and invades discourse in unwanted yet unavoidable ways. Edward Said’s reading of literary classics, which traces the link between culture and imperialism, is provided as an example of such a political reading of literature.
EN
The article is dedicated to an issue of Eurocentrism in American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington’s concept of the clash of civilisations. The arguments presented indicate that Huntington’s concept is pure Eurocentric. I start by mentioning a few of Huntington’s critics (Noam Chomsky, Samir Amin, Arjun Appadurai, and John M. Hobson). The next step includes analysing in detail the “Eurocentrism anatomy” and presenting Eurocentrism as a phenomenon based on two axes, which I call “materialistic” and “epistemological”. In other words, Eurocentrism is a kind of spectrum. Thanks to that, I compare Huntington’s concept with facts from literature embedded in both axes. Apart from other arguments, Eurocentric factors in the clash of civilisations are 1) civilisations in the past, 2) origin of the West, 3) demographic argument, and 4) the downfall of the West. I argue that the clash of civilisations is based on false, Eurocentric assumptions and prejudices.
EN
This article summarises the concepts behind the direction of Polish politics towards Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia in placing Poland’s new international relations in Central and Eastern Europe due to its historical ties with the countries of the region. A significant verbal role was played by the reception in Polish politics of the doctrine of Mieroszewski and Giedroyc-the so-called ULB (Ukraine–Lithuania–Belarus). It assumed the establishment of special relations with these countries, and, at the same time, waiving claims to territories lost by Poland after 1939. The application of this idea was conditioned by the internal political dynamics of Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, and Lithuania, and their mutual relations that determined the effectiveness of this doctrine. A key role in shaping Poland’s policy towards these countries was played by an “historical factor”-the exchange of mutual declarations concerning the past; this sometimes included the transmission of documentation-for instance the Katyn massacre evidence documents were transferred to Poland in 1990 by the Russian authorities. These actions served as tools of political rapprochement, and they sometimes resulted in opening the way to re-examine previous historical interpretations (especially in Polish–Lithuanian and Polish–Ukrainian relations). The question of investigating the crimes of the USSR against Poles, including above all the Katyn massacre (1940), played an important role in the rapprochement in Polish–Russian relations in the early period of President Yeltsin’s rule. One of the repercussions of implementing this concept and its conciliar priorities in Polish foreign policy and in its internal formal discourse was the suppression of some recently recreated areas of collective memory and currents of historical discourse; this especially concerned Polish–Ukrainian relations, in the context of, among others, the massacre in Volhynia in 1942–1943. Another result was transferring possible settlements to the responsibility of the state and the Polish community-a particular example of which was a resolution of the Polish Senate concerning Operation “Vistula” (Akcja “Wisła” in 1947) that was adopted in 1990.
EN
Chester Alan Arthur was the twentieth-first president of the United States. His presidency, from 1881–1885, was unplanned and monumental, yet he is an often overlooked figure of history. When he is remembered, it is for domestic reform. Here his part on the international stage, through the events of the International Prime Meridian Conference in 1884 in Washington DC, an early success for international relations, and his part in the Berlin West Africa Conference of 1884–1885, through recognizing the Congo flag, are explored. How his character influenced his role, how it contrasted with Belgian King Leopold II, and Arthur’s place in civil rights history is also examined, as well as the developing imperialism and Anglo-American order of the world.
EN
The aim of the present study is to examine the mechanisms the Diadochoi implemented to gain and maintain control over Cyprus using Pyla-Vigla, a recently discovered fortified garrison, as a case study. Alexander the Great’s successors faced a seemingly insurmountable problem: How does one govern, control, and maintain the largest territorial empire the world had ever seen? Alexander’s imperial strategy was predicated upon maintaining native governing institutions of newly subjugated lands and appointing new leaders. This system could not work for the Diadochoi because without a clear path to succession, a twenty-nine-year period of incessant conflict ensued throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. The surviving successors adopted various strategies to exercise imperial authority over their rivals, which ultimately led to the creation of three ruling Hellenistic dynasties: Ptolemies, Seleucids, and Antigonids. Pyla-Vigla represents one of many such strategies.
EN
The paper offers a reading of "Mass Effect: Andromeda" (BioWare 2017) vis-à-vis lost world romance (also dubbed “lost race romance”, or “imperial romance”), a late-Victorian area novelistic genre originating from H. Rider Haggard's "King Solomon's Mines" and serving as a major tool for British Empire propaganda - and as a source of the early science-fiction conventions. We claim the narrative failure of the ill-received game stems from its adherence to the rigid principles and forceful themes of the genre and the colonial and imperial imaginary informing it. Our analysis aims at highlighting the way 19th Century novelistic convention can be remediated as contemporary digital games, and to expose the link between imperial imaginary and the way open-world digital games are structured, on both narrative and gameplay levels - even when they do not directly refer to the historical colonial legacy.
EN
The article describes the complicity of certain currents of feminism in reproducing Islamophobic discourse. It presents writers and politicians such as Azar Nafisi, Irshad Manji, or Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who depict Islam as essentially violent and oppressive to women. Such a vision is particularly convenient to conservatives; it also serves as a support for Western imperialist projects, like the war on terrorism or interventions carried out in the Middle East under the guise of establishing democracy. This support, however, remains, invisible to some Western feminists, such as Margaret Atwood or Susan Sontag, who accept this discourse uncritically. Indeed, the aforementioned writers and activists function as “ambassadors of Islamophobia,” which they seek to legitimize as “feminist” and “progressive.”
PL
Tekst omawia zjawisko uwikłania niektórych nurtów współczesnego feminizmu w odtwarzanie dyskursu islamofobicznego. Autorka prezentuje postaci takie jak Azar Nafisi, Irshad Manji czy Ayaan Hirsi Ali – publicystki i działaczki przedstawiające skrajnie negatywny obraz islamu jako religii ze swojej istoty nakłaniającej do przemocy i uciskającej kobiety. Taka wizja islamu jest bliska ideologii konserwatywnej i świetnie wpisuje się w zachodnie projekty imperialistyczne, takie jak wojna z terroryzmem czy interwencje na Bliskim Wschodzie dokonywane pod pretekstem „wprowadzania demokracji”. Jak pokazuje autorka, część zachodnich feministek, np. Margaret Atwood czy Susan Sontag, nie dostrzega tego faktu i bezkrytycznie przyjmuje dyskurs wspomnianych krytyczek islamu. Postaci te odgrywają więc rolę „ambasadorek islamofobii”, legitymizując swoje stanowisko jako „feministyczne” i „postępowe”.
EN
The discussion on Rosa Luxemburg’s theories of imperialism hasmainly focused on the economic argument - the schemes of reproduction, theprocess of circulation, the need for “external” markets, etc. There is howeveranother dimension, at least as important : the struggle of imperialism againstpre-capitalist economies, the ruthless destruction of “natural” and peasant economies,many of them being forms of primitive communism. Luxemburg’sinterest for primitive communist societies is documented by her Introductionto Political Economy and the imperialist war against them is discussed both inthis work and in the last chapters of The Accumulation of Capital. A whollyoriginal approach to the evolution of social formations, running counter tolinear “progressive” views of bourgeois ideology, is outlined in these reflections. Present indigenous struggles e.g. in Latin America, against multinational oil or mining companies, illustrate the topicality of Rosa Luxemburg’s argument in the 21th century.
PL
Dyskusja na temat teorii imperializmu Róży Luksemburg dotyczy głównie argumentu ekonomicznego, w tym między innymi schematów reprodukcji, procesu cyrkulacji, konieczności istnienia rynków „zewnętrznych”. Istnieje jednak jeszcze inny jej wymiar, który wydaje się co najmniej tak samo istotny: zmagania imperializmu z przedkapitalistycznymi gospodarkami oraz bezlitosne niszczenie „naturalnych” i chłopskich gospodarek, stanowiących – w dużej części – formy pierwotnego komunizmu. Zainteresowanie Luksemburg społeczeństwami pierwotnego komunizmu udokumentowane jest w jej Wstępie do ekonomii politycznej, a imperialistyczna wojna przeciwko nim omówiona jest zarówno w tej pracy, jak i w końcowych rozdziałach Akumulacji kapitału. W jej refleksjach zarysowane zostało oryginalne podejście do formacji społecznych, będące przeciwieństwem linearnej, „progresywnej” perspektywy ideologii burżuazyjnej. Współczesne walki rdzennej ludności, na przykład walki przeciwko międzynarodowym firmom naftowym i wydobywczym w Ameryce Łacińskiej, ilustrują aktualność argumentu Róży Luksemburg w dwudziestym pierwszym wieku.
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