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Horyzonty Polityki
|
2018
|
vol. 9
|
issue 29
113-130
EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This paper aims to summarize and discuss key findings in the literature around the concept of disruption or disruptive innovation and how the ad hoc academic knowledge evolved in the recent couple of decades. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research method is based on historical and critical literature review. Hence, this paper discusses other scholars’ research and findings around the topic of disruption innovation. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: This paper starts with a summary of Christensen’s disruption theory (1997) followed by some important clarifications of ad hoc definitions. Then it inspects some of this theory weaknesses highlighted in the literature before investigating the main recent developments in the last couple of decades and the related research venues. RESEARCH RESULTS: Despite the positive efforts made by many scholars to reconcile Christensen’s disruption theory (1997) with the reality of the market and empirical data and to clarify the concept of disruption and its numerous implications and frameworks, some fuzziness and many gaps are still persisting in the extant literature. Namely, a normalized and exhaustive disruption framework seems to be missing hitherto. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: This paper provides a refined picture of the academic discussion around disruption innovation, and is hence a useful starting point for researchers interested in topics related to “innovation management” who would like to investigate further avenues of research directly or indirectly linked to disruption.
EN
The article shows how the factors that can be regarded as significant influence the advantage of particular candidates in communal executive direct elections. Multiple regression analysis was performed to investigate this issue for elections which took place in 2006, 2010 and 2014. The outcome of the analysis suggests among others that those who apply for re-election for the first time have the greatest advantage over the other incumbents.
PL
W artykule ujawniono jak czynniki, które można uznawać za istotne, wpływają na przewagę kandydatów w wyborach bezpośrednich do gminnej egzekutywy. Analizę pod tym kątem, przy zastosowaniu regresji wielorakiej przeprowadzono w zakresie wyborów w roku: 2006, 2010 i 2014. Wyniki analizy sugerują, m.in., że wśród inkumbentów, najwyższą przewagę uzyskują ubiegający się po raz pierwszy o reelekcję.
EN
The subject of the research undertaken in the article are the competitions (in the years 2002–2018) for the position of the mayor of the city in 19. Polish cities. The main goal was to find answer for the question: was party affiliation promoted incumbents or rather favored the alternation of power in the cities. The position of political parties was examined on the basis of two criteria. The first one was the number of incumbents affiliated with political parties. Another was the number of participants in the mayor’s competitions who obtained the second result after the winner. In the examined cities 60. reelection cases were recorded – in the majority there were nonpartisan incumbents. In 16 cases of power alternation, however, the candidates of political parties dominated. In the years 2002–2018 in all cities there were exactly 95 elections (19 cities x 5 elections) – in as many as 74 of them the main rivals of the winners were the candidates of political parties. The research has shown that the multi-years incumbency were favored outside the party, and – on the other hand – the political parties played a greater role in the changes of the mayors of cities.
PL
Przedmiotem badań podjętych w artykule jest rywalizacja prezydencka w 19. polskich miastach w latach 2002–2018. Ich celem było sprawdzenie czy afiliacja partyjna częściej towarzyszyła prezydentom miast, którzy dokonywali reelekcji, czy też raczej sprzyjała alternacji władzy. Pozycję partii politycznych badano na podstawie dwóch kryteriów: liczby reelekcji prezydentów afiliowanych z partiami oraz liczby pretendentów partyjnych, którzy uzyskiwali drugi wynik po zwycięzcach. W badanych miastach odnotowano 60 przypadków reelekcji – dominowali w nich inkumbenci pozapartyjni. W 16. przypadkach alternacji władzy dominowali natomiast kandydaci partii politycznych. Na 95 przypadków elekcji lat 2002–2018 w aż 74. z nich głównymi rywalami zwycięzców byli kandydaci partii politycznych. Badanie wykazało zatem, że wielokadencyjności prezydentów sprzyja pozapartyjność, a partie polityczne odgrywają większą rolę w alternacjach władzy.
PL
W artykule przy użyciu regresji wielorakiej i analizy wariancji w formacie ANCOVA, zaprezentowano weryfikację wpływu wybranych zmiennych na poziom głosów osiąganych w I turze przez kandydatów na stanowiska gminnej egzekutywy, w wyborach bezpośrednich. Wyniki wskazują m.in., że najsilniej, pozytywnie pod tym względem, szanse kandydatów buduje status inkumbenta, przy czym na największy „zyskˮ z tego tytułu mogą liczyć inkumbenci ubiegający się o drugą kadencję.
EN
The article presents the verification, with the use of multiple regression and ANCOVA analysis of variance, of the impact of selected variables on the number of votes obtained by candidates for communal executive offices in the first ballot of direct elections. The results demonstrate, among others, that the status of incumbent has the strongest positive impact on the discussed support, whereas incumbents who apply for the second term may achieve the greatest “profit” in this regard.
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