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Zanikanie bezokolicznika w języku serbskim. Wstępne rozpoznanie zagadnienia

100%
Karasiński A.
Slavia Meridionalis
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2015
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vol. 15
EN
The loss of the infinitive in Serbian. Preliminary issueThe article concerns the loss of the infinitive in Serbian literary language and its gradual replacement by the construction da + praesens. The analyzed material consists of Serbian and Serbo-Croatian literature and goes from the Saint Sava’s texts - these are the first widely available texts of Serbian. The last text analyzed comes from the beginning of XXI century. The process of the loss of infinitive has been checked in the contexts in which it is possible to replace the infinitive form by the structure da + verb in the present tense without changing the meaning. Zanikanie bezokolicznika w języku serbskim. Wstępne rozpoznanie zagadnieniaArtykuł dotyczy procesu zanikania bezokolicznika w języku serbskim i stopniowego zastępowania go konstrukcją da + praesens. Materiał, który posłużył do analizy, stanowi przekrój piśmiennictwa ograniczonego do rdzennych terenów serbskich: wychodzi już od czasów św. Sawy, którego teksty jako jedne z pierwszych są powszechnie dostępne. Ostatni przeanalizowany tekst pochodzi z początku XXI wieku. Materiał przebadano w kontekstach, w których obie konstrukcje są w pełni równoznaczne.
2

Tendencja rozwojowa futurum w języku serbskim w świetle bałkanologii

63%
Karasiński A.
Slavica Wratislaviensia
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2017
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vol. 165
209-216
EN
The article presents the clash of two tendencies in Serbian future tense — so-called balkan type construction of the conjunction da and conjugated verb form: ја ću da pišem and slavic, inflection­al construction where the auxiliary verb is transformed into an ending: pisaću. These two forms are often used instead of normative infinitive form: ja ću pisati and this is acontamination of two types of construction — balkan and nonbalkan (slavic).
HR
Članak predstavlja sukob dve tendencije usrpskom budućem vremenu (futur I) – iz jedne strane takozvani balkanski oblik futura izražen sintagmom da + prezent na primer ја ću da pišem, s druge strane „slovenski oblik“ kad nema predhodne reči – enklitika glagola hteti dolazi iza infiniti­va ispaja se s njim: pisaću.Ova dva oblika koristi se umesto normalnog oblika futura s infinitivom: ja ću pisati iovo je kontaminacija balkanskog inebalkanskog (slavenskog) oblika.
3
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Možnosti generativní klasifikace infinitivu

63%
Veselovská L.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2009
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vol. 70
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issue 4
314-326
EN
In this article I discuss Czech infinitival structures to illustrate the classification and methods of analyses used in generative framework. Introducing the null category of PRO I show the distinctions between Raising and Control verbs, between ECM verbs and PROOBJ structures. I also describe the process of restructuralization and the diagnostics of the phenomena in more detail. I mention some existing studies of Czech infinitives and the most influential analyses in English, Italian and German. I conclude that the present-day analyses of infinitives are still in many aspects problematic and they depend on the development of the field, including the format of the structure and assumptions concerning the distribution of thematic roles.
4
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Příklonky a vazaly infinitivu

51%
Starý Kořánová I.
Studie z aplikované lingvistiky - Studies in Applied Linguistics
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2017
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vol. 8
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issue Zvláštní číslo 2017
109-120
EN
Word order of Czech enclitics is quite difficult to acquire for students of Czech as foreign language. While native speakers can “hear” the correct word order, the foreigner needs a set of rules to guide him. The usual rule for the word order of fixed enclitics seems to be breached quite often. The article focuses on one type of sentences in which the rule for the word order of fixed enclitics is violated, namely in sentences which except for a finite verb include an infinitive and consequently two series of enclitics. The finite verb and the infinitive each syntactically govern (are governor to) their respective enclitics which in turn are their subjects (recta). If the infinitive is part of the sentence predicate, the enclitics follow the usual rule of word order unless the infinitive becomes part of the sentence rhema (comments). In that case its subjects precede it. If the infinitive is not part of the sentence predicate (in other words it is subject, object or complement), precedes it then the infinitive subjects follow it. However, if the infinitive is not part of the sentence predicate, and is placed at the sentence end, then its subjects precede it. If the infinitive functions as an attribute to a noun, it follows the noun. If the nominal phrase N + infinitive starts a sentence then the reflexive particle se/si follows the infinitive in 98% of cases. If the enclitic personal pronouns occur in the reversed order, i.e. Acc.–Dat. order, or two dative enclitics follow one immediately after another then the enclitics subjects are as close as possible to their regens/ governor. The so-called contact dative, which does not have a governor, is not bound in this way.
5
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Interpretation of possessive pronouns in Czech infinitive constructions

45%
Perevozchikova T.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2024
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vol. 85
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issue 2
83-111
EN
Existing research has not yielded clear conclusions regarding the status of the Czech reflexive possessive svůj as a long-distance anaphora. Some researchers claim that svůj in infinitival complements strongly favours the local interpretation. Other scholars argue that the reference of svůj is ambiguous between the local and the long-distance reading, and that the choice between them is partly influenced by the matrix verb. In this article, we report on an experimental study investigating how reflexive and non-reflexive possessives in Czech object control infinitives are interpreted and whether the interpretation is constrained by the matrix verb. A written interpretation task was carried out with 96 Czech native speakers. The results show that for a reflexive possessive, the local interpretation is preferred, but the long-distance interpretation is also common, and its probability depends partly on the matrix verb. A non-reflexive possessive does not show a non-locality bias and its interpretation depends strongly on the matrix verb. Our results support form-specific multiple-constraints models of anaphora processing, suggesting that the interpretation of reflexives is influenced not only by the structural constraint of locality but also by pragmatic inferences based on the semantics of the matrix verb, although to a lesser extent than the interpretation of pronouns.
CS
Dosavadní výzkum nepřinesl jasné závěry, pokud jde o status reflexivního posesiva svůj jako dálkové anafory. Někteří badatelé tvrdí, že svůj v infinitivních doplněních silně upřednostňuje lokální interpretaci. Jiní badatelé tvrdí, že reference posesiva svůj je vzhledem k možnosti lokálního a distančního čtení nejednoznačná a že volba mezi těmito možnostmi je částečně ovlivněna maticovým slovesem. V tomto článku podáváme zprávu o experimentálním výzkumu, který se zaměřil na otázku, jak jsou reflexivní a nereflexivní posesiva v českých infinitivech řídících objekt interpretována a zda je tato interpretace omezena maticovým slovesem. Písemná interpretační úloha byla zadána 96 rodilým mluvčím češtiny. Výsledky ukázaly, že u reflexivního posesiva je preferována lokální interpretace, ale častá je i interpretace distanční, jejíž pravděpodobnost částečně závisí na maticovém slovese. Nereflexivní posesivum nemá přednost před nelokálním antecedentem a jeho reference silně závisí na maticovém slovese. Naše výsledky podporují tvarově specifické modely zpracování anafory s více omezeními, které naznačují, že interpretace reflexiv je ovlivněna nejen strukturním omezením lokálnosti, ale v menší míře také pragmatickými inferencemi založenými na sémantice maticového slovesa.
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