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1

Ellipsis of Personal Pronouns and Unmarked Verb Forms in Acadian French / De L’Ellipse Du Pronom Personnel Aux Formes Verbales Non Marquées Dans Les Parlers Acadiens

100%
Brasseur P.
Human and Social Studies
|
2013
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vol. 2
|
issue 1
51-72
EN
The little francophone community of Port-au-Port Peninsula in Newfoundland is particularly representative of non-standard French spoken in North America (Brasseur 1997). This paper tries to elaborate a grammatical analysis in order to justify the transcriptions of verb forms in the Dictionnaire des régionalismes de Terre-Neuve (2001). In the sentence “I passait les maisons, [bladʒe] ac le monde”, for instance, [bladʒe] could be interpreted as “blaguait” or “blaguer.” In standard French, the same sentence could be translated as “il allait de porte en porte parler avec les gens” or “il allait de porte en porte, parlait avec les gens.” The omission of the subject pronoun seems to allow the transition toward a unmarked verb form either under a short form, limited to the radical of the verb, without any flexional mark like an imperative form, or a full form, like what Remacle (1952) calls “infinitif substitut.” The last stade of this evolution is the nominal phrase, whose use is widely spread in popular (e.g. Acadian) French, where it often follows a verb phrase.
2
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Patrząc przez cudze okulary (infinitivus ~ subiunctivus)

100%
Topolińska Z.
Slavia Meridionalis
|
2010
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vol. 10
EN
Infinitivus ~ subiunctivusThe author proposes a new terminological regulation. She sees the infinitive as a positional variant of the subjunctive. Such a solution allows an objective contrastive analysis of systems with a different zone of use of these two constructions.
3
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Substituição do gerúndio pela construção a + infinitivo no Português Europeu (estudo diacrónico)

88%
Hricsina J.
Studia Iberystyczne
|
2014
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vol. 13
383-401
EN
The article aims to specify the period in which the gerund in Portuguese has given way to a + infinitive construction in syntactic positions in which the infinitive predominates also in the contemporary European Portuguese (periphrastic formations estar a + infinitive, ficar a + infinitive, continuar a + infinitive and andar a + infinitive, in semi‑predicative clauses). In this analysis the electronic corpus (www.corpusdoportugues.org) was used. The analysis shows that the period sought must be located in the 19th century (or slightly before), when the infinitive construction starts to appear with greater frequency than in previous centuries.
4
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Infinitive reduction in a migrant Shtokavian dialect in Albania: Language contact supporting Balkanization

88%
Makartsev M.
Linguistica Copernicana
|
2022
|
vol. 18
45-60
EN
Under the long-term influence of Albanian, the Shtokavian migrant dialect in Fier and the vicinity (originally the Novi Pazar-Sjenica-Tutin area) has significantly reduced the use of infinitives in verbal complements of modals. Subjunctives have mostly replaced infinitives in these contexts, bringing the dialect closer to Balkan Slavic in structural terms.
5

Tendencja rozwojowa futurum w języku serbskim w świetle bałkanologii

63%
Karasiński A.
Slavica Wratislaviensia
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2017
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vol. 165
209-216
EN
The article presents the clash of two tendencies in Serbian future tense — so-called balkan type construction of the conjunction da and conjugated verb form: ја ću da pišem and slavic, inflection­al construction where the auxiliary verb is transformed into an ending: pisaću. These two forms are often used instead of normative infinitive form: ja ću pisati and this is acontamination of two types of construction — balkan and nonbalkan (slavic).
HR
Članak predstavlja sukob dve tendencije usrpskom budućem vremenu (futur I) – iz jedne strane takozvani balkanski oblik futura izražen sintagmom da + prezent na primer ја ću da pišem, s druge strane „slovenski oblik“ kad nema predhodne reči – enklitika glagola hteti dolazi iza infiniti­va ispaja se s njim: pisaću.Ova dva oblika koristi se umesto normalnog oblika futura s infinitivom: ja ću pisati iovo je kontaminacija balkanskog inebalkanskog (slavenskog) oblika.
6
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Miejsce infinitiwu w polskim systemie werbalnym. Perspektywa semantyczna

63%
Topolińska Z.
Rocznik Slawistyczny
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2016
|
vol. 65
89-98
EN
The author demonstrates that the main function of the Polish infi nitive is still the function of the subjunctive mood as it was in the earlier periods of the Slavic linguistic history. It constitutes propositional arguments of the „real” and of the virtual voluntative predicates both in the fi eld of the epistemic and of the deontic modality.
7
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Cупин в древнерусских списках евангелия XI –XIII веков

63%
Мольков Г.
Rozprawy Komisji Językowej ŁTN
|
2018
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vol. 66
319-332
PL
Od XI wieku w niektórych staroruskich ewangelicznych rękopisach używano form bezokoliczników po czasownikach ruchu do określenia celu, podczas gdy supinum w tym samym zdaniu występowało w innych kopiach ewangelicznych. Wydaje się, że ten fakt związany jest ze stopniową utratą tej formy w języku staroruskim, ale na tle poprawnego używania supinum w oryginalnych tekstach taka niestabilność może być odziedziczona z pisarstwa starobułgarskiego. Porównanie staroruskich rękopisów ewangelicznych różnych typów (tetraevangelia, krótkie i pełne lekcjonarze) ze starobułgarskimi pomaga rozwiązać ten problem. Analiza porównawcza pokazuje, po pierwsze, że supinum może być zastąpione bezokolicznikiem w staroruskim rękopisie Ewangelii tylko w niewielkiej liczbie przypadków (w przybliżeniu ⅓), a po drugie, że konteksty pozwalają na utratę formy supinum głównie w tych samych wersetach, co w starobułgarskim. Proces ten zależy ponadto od typu rękopisu ewangelicznego, istnieją bowiem przykłady zawierające pełne lekcjonarze z bezokolicznikiem w tej samej perykopie, w której krótkie lekcjonarze mają bardziej archaiczne supinum. Ta korelacja pozwala przypuszczać, że tekst Ewangelii w staroruskich rękopisach zachowuje supinum, które występuje w starosłowiańskich rękopisach z X i początku XI w.
EN
Since the 11th century, some Old Russian Gospel manuscripts use infinitive forms after verbs of motion to specify purpose, while the supine in the proper context is used in other Gospel copies. This fact seems to be associated with the gradual loss of this form in Old Russian; but, against the background of the correct usage of the supine in the original texts, such instability could be inherited from the Old Bulgarian writing. A comparison of Old Russian Gospel copies of various types (tetraevangelia, short and complete lectionaries) with Old Bulgarian usage helps to resolve this problem. It shows, firstly, that a supine can be replaced by an infinitive in Old Russian Gospel manuscripts in a small number of cases (about ⅓), and secondly, that the contexts allow the loss of the supine form mostly in the same verses as in the Old Bulgarian; besides this, it depends on the type of the Gospel manuscript: there are examples where complete lectionaries have an infinitive in the same pericope in which short lectionaries have a more archaic supine. This correlation allows one to assume that the text of the Gospel in the Old Russian recension preserves the state of the supine in which it existed in the South Slavic manuscripts of the 10th and early 11th centuries.
8
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Hybrydalne formy czasownikowe w języku polskim i ukraińskim

51%
Szczerbij N.
Poradnik Językowy
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2022
|
vol. 790
|
issue 1
147-166
EN
Hybrid verb forms constitute a relevant aspect that has been little studied by linguists. The paper discusses hybrid verb forms in order to determine structural and semantic differences against the background of Polish and Ukrainian. The hybridity of verb forms lies in the formation of parts of speech that combine categories characteristic of different classes of words, such as voice, tense, refl exivity, case, number. Such forms include the verbal noun, adjectival participle, impersonal predicative forms ending with -no, -to, and infi nitive. The use of the comparative analysis made it possible to separate common and different features in both languages. Polish and Ukrainian are characterised by different degrees of convergence with verb or noun, in particular due to the category of refl exivity. The paper states that all these mixed parts of speech are united by the category of aspect, which relates primarily to verb. The paper also analyses the functioning of hybrid verb forms in modern Polish and Ukrainian.
PL
Hybrydalne formy czasownikowe są aktualnym i niewystarczająco zbadanym przez językoznawców zagadnieniem. W artykule dokonano opisu hybrydalnych form czasownikowych w celu porównania ich w materiale pochodzącym z języka polskiego i ukraińskiego, analizy tych form ze wspólnego punktu widzenia – procesualności. Hybrydalność polega na formowaniu części mowy, które łączą w sobie kategorie charakterystyczne dla różnych (werbalnych i imiennych) klas leksemów, np.: strony, czasu, zwrotności, przypadka oraz liczby. Do takich form zalicza się: rzeczownik odczasownikowy, imiesłów przymiotnikowy, bezosobowe formy na -no, -to oraz bezokolicznik. Zastosowanie metody porównawczej umożliwiło wyodrębnienie wspólnych i odmiennych cech w obu językach oraz scharakteryzowanie stopnia bliskości z czasownikiem czy rzeczownikiem, szczególnie dzięki kategorii zwrotności, chociaż jest to tylko formalna zbieżność z formami zwrotnymi. Wszystkie wyżej wymienione części mowy łączy wspólna kategoria aspektu. Stwierdzono produktywność procesu tworzenia rzeczowników odczasownikowych.
9
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Příklonky a vazaly infinitivu

51%
Starý Kořánová I.
Studie z aplikované lingvistiky - Studies in Applied Linguistics
|
2017
|
vol. 8
|
issue Zvláštní číslo 2017
109-120
EN
Word order of Czech enclitics is quite difficult to acquire for students of Czech as foreign language. While native speakers can “hear” the correct word order, the foreigner needs a set of rules to guide him. The usual rule for the word order of fixed enclitics seems to be breached quite often. The article focuses on one type of sentences in which the rule for the word order of fixed enclitics is violated, namely in sentences which except for a finite verb include an infinitive and consequently two series of enclitics. The finite verb and the infinitive each syntactically govern (are governor to) their respective enclitics which in turn are their subjects (recta). If the infinitive is part of the sentence predicate, the enclitics follow the usual rule of word order unless the infinitive becomes part of the sentence rhema (comments). In that case its subjects precede it. If the infinitive is not part of the sentence predicate (in other words it is subject, object or complement), precedes it then the infinitive subjects follow it. However, if the infinitive is not part of the sentence predicate, and is placed at the sentence end, then its subjects precede it. If the infinitive functions as an attribute to a noun, it follows the noun. If the nominal phrase N + infinitive starts a sentence then the reflexive particle se/si follows the infinitive in 98% of cases. If the enclitic personal pronouns occur in the reversed order, i.e. Acc.–Dat. order, or two dative enclitics follow one immediately after another then the enclitics subjects are as close as possible to their regens/ governor. The so-called contact dative, which does not have a governor, is not bound in this way.
10
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Miejsce infinitiwu w polskim systemie werbalnym. Perspektywa semantyczna

51%
Rocznik Slawistyczny
|
2016
|
issue LXV
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