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1

“The struggle of pamphlets” (1791) . Ukrainian diplomats in London at the end of the XVIIIth century

100%

Zakharova O.

Reality of Politics

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2020

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issue 13

71-82

EN

Throughout the XVIIIth century, Anglo-Russian relations were very contentious. The Ochakov crisis of 1791 risked escalating into direct military action between Russia and England. Ambassador Count S.R. Vorontsov managed to garner the support of members of the House of Lords and the House of Commons of the English Parliament, come in contact with the Prime Minister, members of his cabinet and opposition leaders. The above mentioned allowed him to handle the possibilities of the press, publishing houses and the opposition during the Ochakov crisis of 1791 as well as influenced a public opinion in Britain. In large part, because of the active actions of S.R. Vorontsov and his office staff, it was possible to avoid an armed conflict between Russia and England. One of the closest employees of Semyon Romanovich was the son of a Ukrainian priest Yakov Ivanovich Smirnov, who was considered by many contemporaries as one of the outstanding employees of the office of the Russian Embassy. Ya. I. Smirnov was knighted of the Order of St. John under Paul I, and then the Emperor’s stunning decision took place – the priest was appointed charge d’affaires of Russia in London. V.F. Malinovskiy, the future first director of the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, served in Vorontsov’s office. After leaving London, he worked as a secretary at the negotiations in Iași in 1792. As well as V.F. Malinovskiy, V.P. Kochubey hailed from Ukraine. The nephew of Count A.A. Bezborodko was in London from the early spring of 1789 until January of 1791. In 1793, Vorontsov gave V.P. Kochubey, who was diligently engaged in his education, a brilliant character reference. Over the course of his service, Count S.R. Vorontsov regularly defended the interests of the employees of his office; he knew how to gather individuals for his inner circle and work. In the XIXth century, there was a concept of “official of the Vorontsov school”. S.R. Vorontsov and members of his office used the methods of modern public diplomacy, which implies means used by governments, private groups and particular persons to change the views of other people and governments in order to influence their external political decisions. Public diplomacy is a tool for creating the image of the state. Appealing to public opinion, publication of government documents, use of the mass media and issuance of brochure for manifesting one’s position are methods which play a crucial role in modern public diplomacy, which originated due to Ukrainian diplomats as well.

2

Diplomatic Counterculture as a Tool of the Soviet Foreign Policy

100%

Zakharova O.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2020

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vol. 3(27)

7-21

EN

The article deals with the study of the issue of diplomatic counterculture the definition of which the author introduces into scientific use. The breach of protocol takes place either due to its ignorance, which is non-typical for professional politicians, or for a public demonstration of zero tolerance to particular political objectives. In this context, the meeting of the Polish charge d’affaires with a representative of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (NKID) in Moscow dated February 1, 1995 is of special interest. The latter demanded from the diplomat to comment behavior of some members of the diplomatic corps, who didn’t stand up when signing the Internationale (anthem in that period) during one of the official events. Another NKID’s complaint against the diplomatic corps concerned the reluctance of diplomats to stand up for greeting the Soviet vozhds (leaders), including J.V. Stalin who didn’t hold any official leadership post in the system of the Soviet state. In the author’s opinion, J.V. Stalin was one among Soviet politicians of the most sophisticated improvisers, professionally manipulating the norms of diplomatic protocol and etiquette. In 1939, J. Ribbentrop had talked about vozhd as a man with extraordinary power. Stalin managed to daze Minister of Foreign Affairs of German and, in August 1942, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom W. Churchill marked Stalin’s hospitality at a dinner in the Kremlin and offered to drink to his health. It has been found that one of the blatant cases of diplomatic counterculture is the conduct of N.S. Khrushchev during the meeting at the United Nations General Assembly in 1960. “Shoe diplomacy” didn’t raise the credibility of the Soviet leader in the minds of the global community. The ignorance of protocol rules may lead to the loss of the reputation of a government leader, and as a consequence, negatively affect the country’s image, its attractiveness, which is a hallmark of the “softpower” of the state.

3

Rosja–ASEAN: nowe koncepcje współpracy i stare ograniczenia

72%

Pietrasiak M.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2019

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vol. 61

207-224

EN

The article examines the evolution of political ties between Russia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the special regard to contemporary relations. In the 2nd decade of the 21st century Russia intensified the “Asian direction” of its foreign policy. A lot of political pundits claim that this strategy has an impact on relations with China, and can lead to the growing reliance on Beijing. Therefore Russia, which may be perceived as a dependent regional player, takes actions to diversify political partners. Southeast Asia is one of the most prospective but difficult regions to establish a network of alliances. Prospective – because of its dynamic development, and participation in regional and transregional initiatives. Difficult, cause despite many declarations, improvement of the relations between the ASEAN and Russia has been advancing at a slow pace. The concept of Great Euroasia, which is a typical trend of “new regionalism”, can revive cooperation, making Russia independent regional player.

PL

W artykule została przedstawiona ewolucja stosunków Rosji ze Stowarzyszeniem Narodów Azji Południowo-Wschodniej ASEAN, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem relacji współczesnych. W drugiej dekadzie XXI w. Rosja zintensyfikowała kierunek azjatycki swojej polityki zagranicznej. W opinii wielu ekspertów ta polityka przekłada się w zbyt oczywisty sposób na relacje z Chinami, przez co Rosja może uzależnić się od tego mocarstwa i być postrzegana jako niesamodzielny gracz regionalny. Podejmowane są zatem działania, aby zdywersyfikować partnerów. ASEAN jest jednym z bardziej perspektywicznych, choć jednocześnie trudnych kierunków. Perspektywicznych ze względu na dynamikę rozwoju oraz aktywne uczestnictwo w regionalnych, jak również transregionalnych działaniach, trudnych, bowiem mimo deklaracji rozwój stosunków między ASEAN i Rosją postępuje powoli. Nową koncepcją rosyjską, która ma ożywić współpracę a jednocześnie pokazać, że Rosja może być niezależnym graczem regionalnym, jest projekt Wielkiej Euroazji, który jest zgodny z aktualnymi trendami „nowego regionalizmu”.

4

Użyteczność badawcza struktur sieciowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych

72%

Stachyra W.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2021

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vol. 70

159-174

EN

The presented article contains argumentation supporting the use of network structure analysis as a method of research in International Relations. By applying the general definition of the network as a structure built with a set of interconnected elements, it can be shown that such a method is suitable for description of transborder processes and phenomena. Under this reasoning, the article explores the complementarity of the network approach in relation to the international system research category and the method of systemic analysis. The latter appears to be a specific case of the broader class of network methods. The comparison of previous, successful attempts at application of the mathematical graph theory in social research allows for making a proposal of a general model of network analysis in International Relations.

PL

Artykuł zawiera argumentację na rzecz wykorzystania w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych metod badawczych opartych na analizie struktur sieciowych. Wychodząc od ogólnej definicji sieci jako struktury złożonej z połączonych relacjami elementów, ukazuje jej odpowiedniość do opisu procesów i zjawisk o charakterze transgranicznym. Idąc dalej, rozważa komplementarność sieci w stosunku do kategorii badawczej systemu międzynarodowego i metody analizy systemowej, która przedstawia się jako szczególny przypadek szerszej klasy sieciowych metod badawczych. Analiza dotychczasowych, udanych prób adaptacji w naukach społecznych matematycznej teorii grafów, pozwala na zaproponowanie ogólnego modelu analizy sieciowej, który może okazać się użyteczny przy badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych.

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2 Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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1 Reality of Politics

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“The struggle of pamphlets” (1791) . Ukrainian diplomats in London at the end of the XVIIIth century

Diplomatic Counterculture as a Tool of the Soviet Foreign Policy

Rosja–ASEAN: nowe koncepcje współpracy i stare ograniczenia

Użyteczność badawcza struktur sieciowych w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych