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EN
The cognitive aim of the article – considering the EU as a dynamic system – is to analyse the independent variables that determine its decisions and actions. The progressive complexity of the independent variables determining the EU has been included in the multilevel and multidimensional formula, identifying them at various levels of social life and its various planes. In particular, the focus was on EU’s independent variables operating at the level of the international system, identifying those structural ones related to the change of the system’s polarity, but also variables with qualitative characteristics conditioned by globalisation processes. At the state level, the challenges for liberal values were highlighted. In order to organise the independent variables of the UE, a framework model for their analysis was proposed.
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EN
Author discussed various theoretical difficulties connected with the concept and dynamics of international system. He claims that many misunderstandings in political science, including inaccurate predictions as well as real-time-analysis, are caused by lack of precise theory of international systems within international relations as well as failure to adapt some concepts regarding systems from General System Theory, Cybernetics, Chaos Theory and Catastrophy Theory (or paradigm of complexity as a whole), that seem to be used with success in other disciplines like biology or physics. The author proposes five essential dimensions where structure of the system could be successfully measured. He argues that systemic approach based on various theories concerning complexity can lead to resolving some essential questions concerning the nature of the system with the most important one concerning mechanisms at various levels of the system, need to be answered.
EN
The withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan is a direct consequence of structural changes in the polarity of the international system. Following the end of the Cold War, the US emerged as the dominant country in the system, making it relatively easy to pursue a foreign policy based on liberal principles, where state-building and social engineering were among the main principles. While some scholars consider the US withdrawal from Afghanistan a strategic failure of its foreign policy, this paper argues that such action was necessary due to fundamental changes in the constellation of forces in the international system. The main reason for this withdrawal is the economic growth of China and its power projection in Asia and other regions of the world. Therefore, similar US actions can be anticipated in the future. This paper adopts a structural realist approach as its primary theoretical framework and Afghanistan is used as the case study.
EN
On the grounds of social sciences, security is treated as the need of various entities, including the state. In the realistic paradigm, states are considered as the basic participants in international relations, neorealists – especially representatives of structural realism – claim that the state’s behavior is determined by the rules of the international system in which the states participate. Security is the main goal of foreign policy of states, achieved in an uncompromising manner using diplomatic On the grounds of social sciences, security is treated as the need of various entities, including the state. In the realistic paradigm, states are considered as the basic participants in international relations, neorealists – especially representatives of structural realism – claim that the state’s behavior is determined by the rules of the international system in which the states participate. Security is the main goal of foreign policy of states, achieved in an uncompromising manner using diplomatic and force means. The distribution of power (capabilities) in the international system is essential, and states in their security policies apply two basic strategies of balancing and bandwagoning. Neorealistic theories show an increasing usefulness to the analysis of state security and international security in the conditions of reconfiguration of international order in the 21st century.
EN
The aim of this study is to indicate the roots of armed conflicts based on an analysis of a variety of theoretical approaches. The methodological framework for this research is Kenneth Waltz’s concept of analytical levels’ causes of armed conflicts: (1) the level of individual; (2) the level of the state; (3) the level of the international system. The armed conflicts are also generated by the nature of state regime and society, security dilemma mechanism, diversity between economic development, and rapidly growing population. The anarchy of the international system causes war, particularly due to the imbalance of power, power transition, challenging the hegemonic state by a rising power. The author presents a proposition of systematizing roots of armed conflicts and highlight the need for starting a discussion about developing approaches for the analysis of the roots of modern armed conflicts. The author highlights the need for starting a discussion about developing approaches for the analysis of the roots of modern armed conflicts. The starting point for discussion is introduced the concept of primary and supplementary approaches.
EN
To argue for the acknowledgment of the importance of historical materialism today when the cold-war and communism have for more than two decades ceased to exist it might create the perception of appearing dejected. Yet such a task which we attempt to take in this work is possible, if only because of the way that our actuality has depicted itself. One can argue for example that the significance of historical materialism as an elucidating method was never reliant on the success of the authoritarian regimes of communism that gave it a face of their own, any more than has traditional conservatism been dependent on social Darwinism, racist or/and aggressive regimes. Beyond this indication we argue of the possibility that historical materialism can be recognised as explanatory system, as one that in derivation and maturity has as its focus of analysis and particularly lays emphasis on what more than ever before governs our social world today, capitalism. The cold war proved the ground or rather the fit for concealing the social and economic divide and made that division namely in competing strategic interest: with the failure of communism and the freeing of historical materialism itself, IR might as well accept the degree to which socio-economic issues determined its agenda and policy of the west.
EN
The presented article contains argumentation supporting the use of network structure analysis as a method of research in International Relations. By applying the general definition of the network as a structure built with a set of interconnected elements, it can be shown that such a method is suitable for description of transborder processes and phenomena. Under this reasoning, the article explores the complementarity of the network approach in relation to the international system research category and the method of systemic analysis. The latter appears to be a specific case of the broader class of network methods. The comparison of previous, successful attempts at application of the mathematical graph theory in social research allows for making a proposal of a general model of network analysis in International Relations.
PL
Artykuł zawiera argumentację na rzecz wykorzystania w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych metod badawczych opartych na analizie struktur sieciowych. Wychodząc od ogólnej definicji sieci jako struktury złożonej z połączonych relacjami elementów, ukazuje jej odpowiedniość do opisu procesów i zjawisk o charakterze transgranicznym. Idąc dalej, rozważa komplementarność sieci w stosunku do kategorii badawczej systemu międzynarodowego i metody analizy systemowej, która przedstawia się jako szczególny przypadek szerszej klasy sieciowych metod badawczych. Analiza dotychczasowych, udanych prób adaptacji w naukach społecznych matematycznej teorii grafów, pozwala na zaproponowanie ogólnego modelu analizy sieciowej, który może okazać się użyteczny przy badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych.
EN
Today, the world faces countless difficulties, but none of them is more threatening than the unfiltered and unguarded spread of illicit weapons across the international system. While among threats to international security one can mention poverty, terror, xenophobia, food insecurity, war, and climate change, a far more lethal challenge, which has the destructive capacity to erase the history of all the peoples from the surface of the planet, is currently unfolding. With tens of thousands of people being killed or wounded daily, it has become imperative to interrogate the politics behind the endless abuse, misuse, and illicit proliferation of lethal weapons in the global system and its implications for global security given the scant academic at-tention it has received in recent time. Relying on archival and other non-quantitative data, this study examines the implications of the continued illicit proliferation of weapons for international peace and security. The re-sults reveal that the failures of state actors to address the problem of illicit weapons proliferation have grave implications not only for global peace and security but also for the future. State actors must assume a critical role in minimizing the illicit proliferation of weapons if the future of the global system is to be secure.
PL
Obecnie świat stoi przed niezliczonymi problemami, ale żaden z nich nie jest bardziej nie-bezpieczny niż rozprzestrzenianie się nielegalnej broni. Podczas gdy wśród zagrożeń dla bezpieczeń-stwa międzynarodowego wymienić można między innymi: biedę, terror, ksenofobię, zagrożenia bez-pieczeństwa żywnościowego, wojny, zmiany klimatyczne, obecnie rozwija się również wyzwanie o wiele bardziej śmiercionośne, które ma niszczycielską zdolność całkowitego wymazania historii wszystkich ludów z powierzchni planety. Ponieważ codziennie dziesiątki tysięcy ludzi ginie lub zostaje rannych, konieczne jest zbadanie polityki stojącej za niekończącymi się nadużyciami, niewłaściwym użyciem i nielegalnym rozprzestrzenianiem śmiercionośnej broni w systemie globalnym oraz jej kon-sekwencjami dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, biorąc również pod uwagę to, że w ostatnim cza-sie nie poświęcono temu zagadnieniu zbyt wiele uwagi. Opierając się na danych archiwalnych i danych jakościowych, niniejszy artykuł analizuje konsekwencje ciągłego nielegalnego rozprzestrzeniania broni dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Wyniki badania pokazują, że niepowodzenia podmiotów pań-stwowych w rozwiązywaniu problemu nielegalnego rozprzestrzeniania broni mają poważne konse-kwencje nie tylko dla globalnego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa, ale także dla przyszłości ludzkości. Podmioty państwowe muszą odgrywać kluczową rolę w minimalizowaniu nielegalnego rozprzestrze-niania broni, jeśli przyszłość globalnego systemu ma opierać się na bezpieczeństwie.
EN
The article examines the problems and prospects of the consolidation of the international order. The thesis that the global systemic crisis is a counter phase or a crisis of consolidation of the international order, which must be overcome by the joint efforts of participants of international relations in order to maintain the stability of the international system and prevent its destruction, is justified. The sustainable development of the modern international system depends on the consolidation of participants in the international order and the deepening of constructive cooperation between its participants. The interconnectedness of numerous crises leads to the intensification of the global system crisis. Its presence is a logical result of the global development of the system of international relations. Among the main elements of the global system crisis one can distinguish the financial crisis, economic crisis, environmental crisis, demographic crisis, global governance crisis, security crisis, energy crisis, global climate crisis. The inability of participants of the international system to regulate global crisis is evidence of a global governance crisis. All these crises, as the most important elements of the global system crisis, shape its structure, reflect its essence and make it holistic. The combination of interdependent crises complicates the overcoming of the global system crisis and strengthens it. Therefore, the global governance crisis is both the cause and the consequence of the global system crisis, which in turn indicates the turbulent state of the international system, in which it is impossible to clearly determine its further development. It is proved that the inability of the participants of the international system to consolidate themselves in accordance with the scale of global political transformations is one of the reasons for the emergence and deepening of the global systemic crisis. The presence of a complex of global crisis phenomena and the lack of effective institutional mechanisms to overcome them in synergetic unity reinforce the effect of each other, which deepens the global systemic crisis. Overcoming it depends on the degree of consolidation of the international order, which aims to improve the mechanisms of global governance of the international system. The basis of a consolidated international order could be a reformed UN with expanded powers or another global international organization. The global systemic crisis requires the search for tools and factors that will help to stabilize socio-economic and political relations and to rethink the forms and mechanisms of effective global governance.
UK
У статті досліджується проблеми та перспективи консолідації міжнародного порядку. Обґрунтовано тезу про те, що глобальна системна криза є контрфазою або кризою консолідації міжнародного порядку, яку необхідно подолати спільними зусиллями учасників міжнародних відносин заради збереження стабільності міжнародної системи та запобігання її руйнуванню. Сталий розвиток сучасної міжнародної системи залежить від консолідації учасників міжнародного порядку та поглиблені конструктивного співробітництва між його учасниками. Взаємопов’язаність численних криз зумовлює інтенсифікацію глобальної системної кризи. Її наявність є закономірним підсумком глобального розвитку системи міжнародних відносин. Серед основних елементів глобальної системної кризи виокремлюється, фінансово-економічна, екологічна, демографічна, криза глобального управління, криза безпеки, енергоносіїв, глобальна кліматична криза. Нездатність учасників міжнародної системи регулювати глобальні кризові явища засвідчує наявність кризи глобального управління. Всі ці кризи як найважливіші елементи глобальної системної кризи формують її структуру, відбивають сутність і роблять її цілісною. Сукупність взаємообумовлених криз ускладнює подолання глобальної системної кризи та посилює її. Тому криза глобального управління виявляється водночас і причиною, і наслідком глобальної системної кризи, що своєю чергою свідчить про турбулентний стан міжнародної системи, за якого неможливо чітко визначити її подальший розвиток. Доведено, що неспроможність учасників міжнародної системи консолідуватися відповідно до масштабів глобальних політичних трансформацій є однією з причин виникнення та поглиблення глобальної системної кризи. Наявність комплексу глобальних кризових явищ і відсутність ефективних інституціональних механізмів їх подолання у синергетичній єдності підсилюють дію одна одної, що поглиблює глобальну системну кризу. Її подолання залежить від ступеню консолідації міжнародного порядку, що має на меті вдосконалення механізмів глобального управління міжнародною системою. Основою консолідованого міжнародного порядку може стати реформована ООН з розширеними повноваженнями або інша глобальна міжнародна організація. Глобальна системна криза вимагає пошуку засобів і чинників, що сприятимуть стабілізації соціально-економічних і політичних відносин та переосмислення форм і механізмів ефективного глобального управління.
EN
The article presents the results of research on the international distribution of power in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Applying the synthetic formal powermetric model, the international distribution of power (IDP) in three vectors (perspectives): economic, military and geopolitical has been obtained. The pole structure of IDP system in these three dimensions and its main determinants were defined. The research area covers the MENA states, as well as the United States and the Russian Federation as the external actors. The research results are relevant to the decisionmaking process of the political system of states directly or indirectly involved in international security in MENA.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczących międzynarodowego rozkładu potęgi w krajach Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki Północnej (MENA). Stosując syntetyczny formalny model potęgometryczny, uzyskano międzynarodowy rozkład potęgi (IDP) w trzech wektorach (perspektywach): ekonomicznym, wojskowym i geopolitycznym. Określono strukturę biegunową układu IDP w tych trzech wymiarach i określono jego główne determinanty. Obszar badawczy obejmuje państwa MENA, a także Stany Zjednoczone i Federację Rosyjską jako podmioty zewnętrzne. Wyniki badań odnoszą się do procesu decyzyjnego systemu politycznego państw bezpośrednio lub pośrednio zaangażowanych w bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe w MENA.
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