Search results

1

The Anxiety-Buffering Properties of Cultural and Subcultural Worldviews: Terror Management Processes among Juvenile Delinquents

100%

Baka L., Derbis R., Maxfield M.

Polish Psychological Bulletin

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2012

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vol. 43

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issue 1

1-11

EN

Terror management research indicates that people reminded of mortality strongly affirm values and standards consistent with their cultural worldview and distance themselves from values and standards inconsistent with it. However, limited research has addressed how individuals holding beliefs inconsistent with the dominant worldview cope with death-related anxiety. The present article aims to determine which worldview subcultural groups rely on when reminded of mortality: mainstream or subcultural? Juvenile delinquents living in residential reformatories in Poland were invited to participate in a terror management study examining the anxiety-buffering strategies of individuals belonging to a group largely outside mainstream culture. Following reminders of mortality, juvenile delinquents increased support for values consistent with the mainstream cultural worldview and decreased support for values consistent with the subcultural worldview, as compared to control conditions. The present results suggest that when faced with existential threat, the subcultural worldview does not provide an adequate anxiety buffer, leading members of this subcultural group to display increased identification with mainstream cultural values. Additionally, participants’ state anxiety following death reminders was mediated by mainstream cultural worldview defense.

2

Zagniewane przestępczynie. Charakterystyka gniewu doświadczanego przez nieletnie sprawczynie przestępstw

100%

Zmudziejewska A., Basińska M. A.

Polskie Forum Psychologiczne

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2013

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vol. 18

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issue 2

226-244

EN

The general purpose of this research was to examine the differences in the manifestation of anger among juvenile offenders and high school students and vocational school students. What’s more, was examined the relationship between social and demographic characteristics, criminal behaviors and types of manifested anger. The sample consisted of 120 girls: 41 juvenile offenders, placed in the correctional facility, 18 wards, placed in youth educational center and 61 students. The research shows that juveniles criminally characterized by a stronger tendency to suppress anger. Moreover, students have an increased tendency to exhibit internal anger. Younger students were more likely to internal anger and controlled anger, than older students.

3

Kwestia dopuszczalności stosowania środków zabezpieczających w stosunku do nieletnich sprawców czynów karalnych. Część II

88%

Góralski P.

Nowa kodyfikacja prawa karnego

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2016

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vol. 39

31-54

EN

This article discusses the admissibility of precautionary measures against juvenile criminals. It refers to both juvenile offenders charged as adults pursuant to Art. 10 § 2 of the Criminal Code and 15–16-year-old offenders charged pursuant to the provisions of the Procedures in Legal Actions against Juveniles Act of 1982. The article presents the legal status concerning this issue in the period from 1997 to 2015 and relevant changes in the legal regulations concerning precautionary measures introduced by the amendment of the Criminal Code of 20th February 2015. A thesis formulated in the paper discussed here is that only one type of precautionary measure, which is confiscation, may be used against juveniles subject to the regulations of the Procedures in Legal Actions against Juveniles Act. In relation to juveniles charged under the Criminal Code only the precautionary measures which do not interfere with the provisions of Article 3 of the Criminal Code providing for the rule of humanitarian use of criminal penalties should be implemented. It refers mainly to these forms of isolation precautionary measures which would apply to juvenile criminals after serving imprisonment.

4

Rozmiary recydywy u nieletnich podsądnych sprawców kradzieży

87%

Strzembosz A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1974

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issue VI

140-155

EN

The subject of this work are the findings of studies of the follow-up period intended to establish the further fate of 343 juvenile delinquents aged 10-16, who had been guilty of theft while still under 17. In 1961 detailed, criminological research was initiated in the Juvenile Court of Praga – one of the districts of Warsaw – (records were studied, interviews undertaken in the environs, homes and schools were conducted), which embraced all the 180 juvenile delinquents between 10-16 years, living in that district, who during the course of one year had been found guilty of theft. Further a study was made of the criminal records of 178 juvenile thieves from two other districts of Warsaw, all the juvenile delinquents who had been tried for theft by courts during the period from August 1961 to May 1962 being investigated in turn. In this way was obtained a total of 358 juvenile delinquents who had been found guilty of thefts. The idea was to find out how many of them were recidivists in the follow-up period. 33% of these juvenile delinquents were under 13 and 67% were between 13 and 16 years. The division into these two groups was justified because of the different approach of the Polish penal code to minors up to the age of 13: as regards such juvenile delinquents, the court may apply educational measures only: reprimand, supervision by parents, probation and placing in an educational institution. As regards delinquents between 14 and 16, the court may also apply correctional measures – i.e. approved schools. In the present work, the author accepts as basic criterion for defining the recidivist the fact that he has faced in a Juvenile Court a new charge of theft. The category of those not considered as recidivists includes only delinquents charged once with theft. Each juvenile delinquent who has been charged (usually by the police) a second or third time with theft already figures as a recidivist with 2, 3, 4 and more appearances in court. Moreover, it was possible during the investigations, combined with detailed interviews in the homes of the delinquents, additionally to qualify as recidivists such juvenile delinquents shown to have stolen though not brought before a court. Taking into account the variety of criteria applied to recidivists, they have been divided into the following categories: (a) first of all, formal criteria were applied: considered as recidivists were those concerning whom the court had previously applied educational and correctional measures. Here, the percentage of recidivists amounted to 37.7; (b) this percentage increased to 48.6 when considered as recidivists were all those who had been charged at least twice with theft, including those concerning whom the court had not considered it relevant to apply any new measures; (c) this percentage was still higher (61.2), when listed as recidivists were all those whom the court had found guilty of at least two thefts; (d) interviews in the environment conducted as regards 180 juvenile delinquents in a single district revealed in addition that these data too were not entirely reliable in defining recidivists. Data from interviews showed that the percentage of delinquents who had committed more than one theft amounted to as much as 78.5. It was also found that, when applying the first, formal criterion recidivists among the older delinquents (46%) were far greater in numbers than among the younger (20%). The second criterion – at least two thefts – showed that the difference between older and younger delinquents as regards the percentage of recidivism among them (82.2% 73.2%) was only slight. These data indicate that the formal criterion for recidivism, used by Juvenile Courts, does not reflect the actual extent of this phenomenon. This is the more important since, the latter, broader definition, was found to be the most satisfactory for prognostic purposes. It was established that during the two-year follow-up period a substantially larger number of juvenile delinquents previously listed, according to the first formal definition, as not being recidivists (47%), faced charges than was the case with those listed according to the second definition (17.6%). Criminological investigations – combined with interviews conducted in their families – of 180 juvenile delinquents from a single district, revealed that juvenile delinquents charged with theft are as a rule socially maladjusted children, showing the first symptoms of social maladjustment even in the first grades of primary school. With 62% symptoms of demoralization were recorded with children between 7 and 10 years of age. A typical phenomenon with these juveniles is a considerable lag in their school studies, found as regards 95% of older and 76% of younger juveniles. A lag of at least two years was found with 77% of the older and 37% of the younger individuals investigated. The majority of these systematically played truant; 37% of the younger and 70% of the older juveniles had run away from home. Only as regards 33% was it not found that they consumed alcohol; 26% drank at least once a week; 25% of the recidivists were heavy drinkers. On the basis of data obtained from mothers during interviews (and for 50% of the cases also from child guidance clinics, institutions etc.) it was possible with 60% of the older investigated delinquents to establish various types of personality disorders; 26% were suspected of having suffered organic disturbances of the central nervous system; data indicating such diseases in the past were more frequently found with recidivists (37%) than with those who were not recidivists (13%). Those investigated were for the most part brought up in an unsatisfactory family environment. It was found that in 46% of the families fathers or step-fathers systematically drank alcohol to excess; delinquency of fathers was noted in 31% of the families, and in 9% the mothers were suspected of prostitution. As many as 67% of the brothers revealed symptoms of demoralization and 47% had committed theft. Recidivists differed markedly from non-recidivists as regards such negative features, characterizing the family environment as: systematic abuse of alcohol, unhappy married life of the parents, children very poorly cared for. Of all the 358 thieves investigated, a mere one-third were as juveniles (under 17) charged only once: thus they were not recidivists according to the criteria accepted in the investigation; 21% had twice faced a court; 11% – three and 34% – four or more times had been charged before a Juvenile Court. The differentiated groups of the youngest and oldest among those we investigated did not differ markedly as regards the number of appearances in court while under age. Consideration was next given to further delinquency during the period when the investigated were young adults i.e., when they were between 17 and 20. New offences were noted during that period with 50% of the former defendants who, previously had been juveniles. It also emerged that the number of charges preferred while they were under age was of essential significance for recidivism during the period when those investigated were already young adults. Among those who had been charged only once as juveniles, only 27% were afterwards convicted between the age of 17 and 20; among those charged twice – 48%; beginning with 3 charges, the percentage of later recidivists amounted to 65.8, and with 4 and more charges – to as much as 78.7%. The number of convictions while juveniles indicates a correlation not only with the actual fact of recidivism when those concerned were still young adults, but also the intensification of recidivism between 17 and 20. The majority of those who while juveniles had only one case against them, were subsequently convicted only once. But of those who while juveniles were charged at least three times, the majority (64%) had multiple convictions between 17 and 20. Typical of offences committed by those who had been charged with theft as juveniles, continued to be theft; close on half of those investigated, however – and this should be emphasized – were convicted for offences against the person, officials or the authorities, and these as a rule were offences committed while intoxicated. One-third of the subjects spent in prison at least half of the four-year period, while they were young adults. In 1972, when the last follow-up period was studied, ten years had elapsed since the beginning of the investigation of the delinquents who had committed theft while juveniles. The younger among them were at that time 20 to 23 years old; the older – 24 to 27 (the average age being about 26 years). As regards these 243 older investigated individuals, it was possible to examine not only the period when they were young adults, but also the later period, after they were already 21 years old; this later period was in their case sufficiently to make it possible properly to evaluate whether during that time they had ceased committing offences or whether they continued to do so. Further delinquency of the older among those investigated during the period after 17 until their average age was about 26, was as follows: – It emerged that only 38% had not been convicted at all after the age of 17. The overwhelming majority of them (83%) had been charged only once or twice while under age. – 17% had been convicted only between 17 and 20, while 13% had been convicted only after 21. – 32% were convicted as young adults as weil as later after the age of 21. In this group, the majority (73%) had been charged before a court at least three times as juveniles. As regards the older among those investigated for the entire follow-up period, it was confirmed that the majority showed a correlation with what happened during their juvenility: further delinquency as well as persistent recidivism was found more frequently with those who were more frequently charged as juveniles. During the entire follow-up period, 19% of the older individuals were convicted only once, l3% – twice, and 30% – at least three times. The category with multiple convictions, recidivists convicted at least four times amounted to 20%, which certainly is a substantial figure, having regard to the relatively long prison sentences passed on those convicted two and three times. It should be added that though interviews in the environment during the follow-up period were lacking, making impossible a proper evaluation of the social adjustment of those investigated who during that period had no new convictions or were convicted only once, the data obtained enable the drawing of conclusions which are important for social policy. Note that even frorn among the investigated juveniles who were charged only once before a court, as many as 42% were later convicted after 17; this points to the necessity of a thorough examination of even apparently minor cases of theft involving those under age who previously had not been convicted. The extent of persistent recidivism revealed demonstrates the poor effectiveness of methods used as far in dealing with juvenile delinquents who revealed symptoms of marked social maladjustment.

5

Dalsze losy 100 chłopców mających sprawy o kradzieże w wieku 10-11 lat

87%

Żabczyńska E.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1974

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issue VI

128-139

EN

1. This work presents the results of follow-up studies of the subsequent fate of 100 boys who had committed theft and as 10‒11-year-olds had in 1966 become the subject of research into problems involved in offences committed in childhood ‒ and what led up to them. At that time these boys were examined at the Prophylactic Centre of the State Grzegorzewska Institute of Special Education in Warsaw. All 10‒11-year-old boys charged at the Warsaw Juvenile Court were in turn brought within the scope of the survey. During research conducted in 1966 it was found that the majority (59%) of the 10‒11-year old boys examined were not first offenders and that 11% had even appeared previously in the juvenile court for theft. As many as half of the 10‒11-year-olds were retarded as school pupils. Examination as to knowledge acquired in school revealed that their ability to write was much below the average for their age; as many as 36% were poor or very poor readers. The teachers designated 80% of the boys examined as difficult pupils; approximately half of them ‒ as distinctly over-excitable and aggressive. Not less than 75% played truant, 29% stole in school. 28% of the boys investigated ran away from home. Having regard to the boys’ age, of significance is the relatively high percentage of them (24%) who were found to drink from time to time wine and even vodka. An intelligence test (WISC) revealed in the majority of cases (61%) a normal level of intelligence (with IQs above 90). 31% of them had IQs of 70-90, and in 8% the IQs below 70. The quite substantial percentage of dullness found in the children may be related to their school retardation, particularly in view of the significant dependence found between the lowered IQ and marked shortcomings in reading and writing. Of course, a lowered intellectual level may also have been caused, as environmental interviews showed, by considerable neglect of such children, a phenomenon with which we shall deal later. Psychiatric examination revealed neurotic disorders of personality in 47% ot the children examined. As many as 35% of them were brought up in broken families (semiorphans or divorced parents). 64% of the fathers were heavy drinkers and in addition 20% of the mothers of the same children indulged too freely in alcohol. In 62% of the families the relationship between the parents was unsatisfactory; 52% of the fathers were described by the mothers as “quicktempered and nervous”. In almost one-third of the families at least one member had committed offences and had been already convicted by acourt. It was found that 39% of the families had inadequate financial situation, unable to satisfy the child’s basic needs. In 23% of the families the children suffered from extreme neglect, and even the remaining families failed to give their children adequate care. Frequently, the children investigated (61%) were subjected to severe corporal punishment. It emerged that various negative factors, typical of the family atmosphere of the children examined, were more frequent in the case of those boys who had already stolen prior to their court appearance at the age of 10‒11. These factors included: being reared in broken families, excessive drinking by fathers, unsatisfactory relationship between parents, fathers irascible and nervous, court convictions against family members, extreme neglect of the children, subjection to severe corporal punishment. Those of the children examined who had already previously stolen also revealed more frequently than the others other disturbances in the process of socialization – they ran away from home and drank alcohol. In 1972, five years after the research outlined above, follow-up investigations were made with a view to establishing the subsequent progres of the 100 10–11-year-old boys studied, how they got on in school, whether they committed offences, and what was the atmosphere in their homes. After the next five years it was possible to divide the boys investigated into three groups: I – those not convicted during the period – only 30%; II – those who during the period had one or two court appearances (37%); and III – those who went most seriously astray, being convicted at least three times – as many as 33% of the total. (Boys charged on a further 6 occasions accounted for 12% of the total.) Juvenile thieves charged at the age of 10-11 reveal distinct tendencies to rapid recidivism. Although 29 of the boys were committed to educational institutions or approved schools, their school career showed further shortcomings. There was a marked increase in the percentage of retarded boys, one-third were at least two years behind, 40% did not complete primary school, although all of them should have done so (even allowing for a slight time lag). The process of demoralization is linked with intensified shortcornings as pupils – the most intensive shortcomings were observed in group III: those with the most convictions. At the end of the five years, crimes committed by the boys’ families were also found to have increased; the percentage of families in which fathers or brothers have been convicted was up to 44. Notable in the families of 50 boys was the developing incidence of crimes committed by brothers; in as many as 60% of these families brothers had been convicted, The type of crimes committed and the type of recidivism found among members of the family indicated that about one-third of the families belong to criminal environment. The boys from group III – those with the most convictions during the follow-up period – came much more often from such families and circles than those belonging to the remaining groups. The problem of youngsters charged in court at a very early age – 10-11 years old – is above all a problem of education and care. The fact that they were reared in unsatisfactory family environments favoured recidivism in these children during the five years of follow-up period, and an especially marked concentration of negative factors (excessive drinking on the part of the parents, offences committed by the father, absolute neglect of the children) was found in the families of the most severely demoralized lads of group III. Some symptoms of social maladjustment found already at the age of 10-11 were a significant prediction of further recidivism. Boys, who had already committed thefts prior to their arraignment at 10-11 years old were during the follow-up period much more frequently found among recidivists – notably among those of group III. These recidivists differed significantly from the remaining groups in having started to steal when very young. The repeated drinking of alcohol, already at the age of 10-11, was also significant for the prediction of further criminal conduct. Moreover, the recidivists, were more frequently found among those who at the age of 10-11 had run away from home. And among juvenile recidivists of group III, clearly indicated was a greater frequency than with the remainder of running away from home, even at so early age. It is of interest that the three groups of boys (I: without further convictions, II: with one or two court appearances and III: at least three times convicted) did not differ significantly in respect to the value of property stolen at the age of 10-11. But it emerged that recidivism was more frequent among boys investigated who at the age of 10-11 had been backward at school and among those in whom tests indicated an IQ below 90. Thus the problem of school teaching, the great gaps in knowledge and objective difficulties in learning are fundamental problems in early delinquency. This suggests the need for early identification of children experiencing various types of difficulties in school. Since the majority of the homes investigated were unable to guarantee the children conditions for normal development even during the pre-school period, and since the process of demoralization of the children examined had started very early, the present survey spot-lighted a category of families in which the appropriate child-care authorities simply must intervene at a very early stage. Such official intervention should be combined with detailed medical and psychiatric examinations of the children already during the pre-school period. The early spot-lighting of such homes is of fundamental significance in the prophylaxis of social maladjustment of youngsters

6

Więźniowie młodociani poddani systemowi programowanego oddziaływania na podstawie badań psychologiczno-kryminologicznych

87%

Szymanowska A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2002

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issue XXVI

53-100

EN

The article is devoted to presentation of a psychological/criminological investigation of 163 young offenders who in 2000 after serving at least 12 months of a custodial sentence were preparing for release from a penal institution. This study formed part of a wide-ranging survey carried out under a research project entitled “The Effectiveness of the Reformed Criminal Law”, financed by the Committee for Scientific Research. The convicted delinquents were young males with, compared to the totality of Polish youth, a very low level of education. Only 27% of the respondents had completed some form of post-elementary education and most of these had not progressed any further than basic vocational training. Also, a clear majority did not possess any acquired trade and prior to detention had never held a job. Barely 22.7% were in full-time employment. Very disturbing is the evidence provided by the survey of alcohol abuse by a majority of the respondents. They drank frequently, and in large quantities, not only beer, which is widely advertised, but also spirits. Low levels of education, lack of a trade and tendencies to alcohol abuse add up to a decidedly negative prognosis factor. At a time of high unemployment persons without an education or trade and exhibiting tendencies to alcohol abuse have virtually negligible prospects of social readjustment after release from a penal institution. Another equally negative factor is the fact that a substantial percentage of young offenders began their criminal careers already in childhood or early adolescence: only 24.6% had never previously been brought before a juvenile court charged with a punishable act and during the period of the survey were serving their first prison terms. The remainder either had prior convictions, had been prosecuted in a juvenile court for a punishable act or been tried on criminal charges both as minors and after their 17th birthday. A decided majority of the respondents (89.6%) were serving prison sentences for crimes against property, including 36.2% convicted of robbery with violence. One of the aims of the investigation was to establish the family backgrounds of the respondents, the current state of their relations with their parents and the chances of their families being a source of assistance and support after their release from prison. Compared with the parents of all children attending post-elementary education, the young offenders’ parents have much lower standards of education; another finding was that in the families of convicted delinquents there is a much higher incidence than in the families of youth in general of various pathological phenomena. It was found, for instance, that 79% of the respondents were raised in homes in which fathers, mothers or siblings were alkohol abusers (including 338% in which members of the immediate family were chronic alcoholics). In many families (63.8%) there was a history of violetce in various forms and a quite substantial proportion (45.3%) of the respondents had persons with criminal records in their immediate family. Between the parents of the respondents, probably as a result of alcohol abuse or financial difficulties caused by lack of permanent employment, there were frequent conflicts. Fathers were perceived by over half the respondents as persons taking very little or no interest in their welfare. Mothers, on the other hand, were thought by most of the respondents to have shown them love, accepted them fully, provided care and support and tried to shield them from all kinds of dangers. Despite this perception of mothers as affectionate and devoted the delinquents were far less inclined than law-abiding youth to trust them completely. Aside from progress at school, nothing was expected of the respondents by their parents and consequently the only things for which they were punished were bad grades, truancy and disobedience. Among the punishments most frequently imposed by parents were corporal punishment and detention. As in the case of punishments rewards were usually received by the respondents for good grades at school and assistance with household chores. The most frequent forms of rewards were money or presents. During their imprisonment almost all the respondents maintained frequent contacts with parents. Family members, especially mothers, visited them regularly and provided assistance in the form of care packages and money transfers. After release from prison comprehensive assistance was expected from fathers by 42.9% of the respondents and from mothers by 73%. Since attitudes to religion differentiate to a large extent people's attitudes and behavior the survey sought to establish the view taken of religion by the respondents. A decided majority of them were persons who described themselves as believers but non-practicing. There was also a significant percentage of non-believers (14.8%). By contrast the least numerous group comprised systematically practicing believers. All the convicted delinquents were, in accordance with the provisions of the penal administration code, serving their sentences in a system of individualized treatment. Prior to implementation of such programs, information is collected about the offender (from court and police files, interviews, observation, medical histories, psychological tests, etc.) and used by a psychologist or pedagogue to prepare a penitentiary diagnosis which explains the causes of the delinquent’s flouting of socio-moral and legal norms, describes his metod of social functioning and indicates the basic problems which may be future obstacles to social readjustment. To determine whether the subjects included any identifiable groups of persons with similar characteristics in terms of the causation of criminal behavior cluster analysis was used. Based on this analysis two distinct groups of delinquents were identified. The first comprised delinquents with strongly developed consumption needs, disposed to pleasure and avoidance of effort but also very susceptible to negative influences in their environment. The second group consisted of delinquents whose criminality was connected primarily with a dysfunctional family situation, alcohol abuse, and low mental capacity, especially with regard to planning and foreseeing the consequences of their actions. In the picture of the social functioning of the respondents obtained by the cluster analysis technique three distinct groups were identified. The first group, comprising about 40% of the subjects, consisted of delinquents good at establishing interpersonal contacts but with a scornful attitude to all moral and legal norms and no respect for any kind of authority. The second group was made up of delinquents of a submissive temperament, often functioning in a victim role, but who were also characterized as acceptance-seekers and quiet and conscientious students or employees. The third group consisted of delinquents betraying symptoms of emotional disturbance, displaying little self-awareness and incapable of critical assessment of their own behavior, inclined to manipulate other people and disposed to satisfaction of immediate needs. Rehabilitation treatment of convicted delinquents must take account of their basic problems. Cluster analysis of respondents with differing problems made it possible to identify two distinct groups of delinquents. The first consisted of individuals whose basic problems were, in the first place, lack of education and skills, an uncritical disposition, inability to control themselves in difficult situations and immature personalities. The second group was made up of delinquents whose chief problems were tendencies to alcohol abuse, susceptibility to negative influences, lack of aspirations and aims in life, and lack of family support. To determine how delinquents cope in difficult situations a study was conducted using the A-R Action Strategy test (developed by K. Ostrowska) and the Life Orientation Questionnaile (A. Antonovsky). The findings yielded by the A-R questionnaire indicate that in difficult situations, especially when prized values are threatened, a decided majority of the subjects emploi a strategy of resignation. A preference for this strategy was typical of delinquents disposed to avoidance of effort and situations requiring risk, courage and perseverance, and with a pessimistic view of the world. The second psychological test employed in the study was the Life Orientation Questionnaire which is used to identify the level of a person’s sense of coherence defined as the characteristic responsible for resistance to stress. Based on analysis of the study’s findings it can be said that the lower the respondents’ sense of coherence, the more frequently they were inclined to adopt a resignation strategy. There are, therefore, grounds for the hypothesis that employment of a resignation strategy, which could greatly impede the rehabilitation process, may derive from a low sense of coherence, that is, treatment of the stimuli flowing from the outside world as chaotic and incomprehensible, coupled to the absence of any sense of being capable of coping with tasks requiring commitment and effort. Based on the information about the convicted delinquents contained in the penitentiary diagnoses, the psychologists and pedagogues drew up, with the assistance of the subjects themselves individualized programs of treatment. The kinds of tasks most frequently specified in these programs called for the delinquents to maintain contacts with their families (94.5%), engage in cultural, educational and sports activities (91.4%), undertake work (76.1%) and study (63.8%), and develop desirable habits. Individualized programs ought to take account of, on the one hand, the characters of the delinquents themselves and their needs and problems and, on the other, the possibilities for implementing the recommended tasks in the conditions of a penal institution. Since at present, given the overcrowding of prisons, pedagogues are incapable of devoting too much time to each inmate and there is also a shortage among prison-service staff of the requisite number of therapists and trainers to conduct psycho-correctional activities and workshops in various interpersonal skills, some of the recommendations are of a general and formal character. Besides, not all of the recommendations laid down in the individual programs can be implemented by the inmates. This applies in particular to work-related recommendations since in a situation in which broad sections of Polish society are afflicted by unemployment the prison service is incapable of providing work opportunities for all inmates. The study also sought to determine delinquents’ attitudes to prison-service personnel and the way in which they function while serving their sentences as reflected in the punishments and rewards received. The inmates’ attitude to prison staff was described in most cases as positive, especially with respect to pedagogues, psychologists and therapists, less often with respect to warders. It was also found that a positive attitude to prison staff was decidedly more frequent among delinquents serving their first sentence than among ones with previous convictions. The most frequent transgression for which the subjects had been punished was infractions of prison rules and illegal contacts. The most frequent punishments were formal reprimands and temporary exclusion from participation in cultural, education and sports activities. As for rewards, these were conferred for performance of community service, diligence and orderliness, and exemplary job performance. The most frequent rewards were commendations and additional visits. Since, as mentioned earlier, all the respondents were preparing for release from prison the survey sought to establish iheir plans for the immediate future. A decided majority (82.8%) intended to seek employment as soon they were released; in some case the plans, included starting a family, further education, severance of ties with their previous criminal environment, etc. Sadly, no less than 17.2% of the subjects had no concrete plans. For each of the delinquents the psychologists examining them drew up a psychological/criminological prognosis. In drawing up this prognosis they factored in declarations by respondents of a wish to change their way of life, their degree of demoralization, self-improvement activities while in prison, previous convictions and contacts with the criminal justice system as minors, and what support they could expect from their familie. A decidedly favorable prognosis was made for only 9.2% of the subjects and a decidedly unfavorable one for 12.9%. Most frequently, the psychologists were unable to formulate a prognosis, realizing that the social readjustment of released prisoners depends on very many diverse factors. All of the respondents were released in 2000. When follow-up checks on reconviction were carried out two years later it was found that 23% of the subjects had committed violations of the law in the catamnesia period.

7

Kariery kryminalne nieletnich sprawców przestępstw

87%

Rzeplińska I.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2013

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issue XXXV

79-94

EN

Thirteen years ago, while conducting criminological research of juvenile delinquents within a research programme of the Ministry of Education “Juvenile delinquents in the past and today” I decided to research two groups of juvenile delinquents representative for Poland: 1. The first was juvenile delinquents tried in the courts between 1985 and 1988, the choice of files was made on the basis on their availability. According to assumptions I planned to research a representative group of cases of criminal deeds committed by juveniles and tried in criminal courts in 1980. It appeared to be impossible, files of juveniles from 1980 in 2000 when I organized research were, according to regulations, destroyed (hereinafter I use the term “80’s group”). 2. The second is a sample of a group of cases of criminal deeds committed by juveniles and tried in criminal courts in 2000 representative for Poland The main research assumption of the project of research of juvenile delinquents was to investigate and characterize juvenile crime and their social profiles. The research concerned contemporary juveniles – “2000 group” and juveniles in the past who were tried in courts between 1985 and 1989. I intended to investigate juvenile delinquents who belonged to the generation of the parents of those from “2000 group”. Yet a step backward by a generation was impossible (the files were destroyed). I decided that the object of the research will be the group of juvenile delinquents tried in juvenile courts in the 1980s. In 2010 I searched the National Criminal Registry for the records of both “1980s” and “2000 group”. Follow-up period for the latter group was 9 years. After they turned 17 (which is the age limit of legal responsibility under Polish law), from the “2000 group” tried in 2000 in juvenile courts 390 persons, that is 51,3%, were later convicted for crimes. This group, at the moment of record search, was between 20 and 28 and majority of perpetrators were between 24 and 28 – that is young adults in the period of the highest criminal activity. The group of juvenile delinquents from 1980s was 555 persons. The follow-up period was 22 to 22 years. In this group, according to National Criminal Registry information, 187 persons, that is 33,7% had a criminal record at the moment of file search, and they were be-tween 35 and 44. As far as this group is concerned, part of criminal records were erased so a part of convictions in this group remains unknown. Study of previous juvenile delinquents life histories, longitudinal study, criminal career study – these are the names of the same types of research in criminology whose main and common questions is: how many of previous juvenile delinquents commit crimes in adult life. More detailed questions are: - what is the type and significance of crime commited by previus juvenile dalinquents in their adult lives?

8

Dalsze losy nieletnich i młodocianych sprawców przestępstw

76%

Batawia S., Żabczyńska E., Strzembosz A., Szymanowski T.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1974

|

issue VI

126-127

EN

Three follow-up studies were published, dealing with juvenile delinquents and young adult offenders, based on a random sample and material on: ‒ 100 boys charged with larcency, who during the period of the investigation in 1966 were barely 10-11 years old. This research concentrated in turn on all the 10-11 year-old boys charged with larcency and brought before a Juvenile Court in Warsaw; the follow-up period embraced 5 years; ‒ 358 former juveniles (10-16 years old) charged with theft in three districts of Warsaw and brought before a Juvenile Court in 1961-1962, whose further fate was investigated during the period when they were 17-20 years old and from among the same 243 former juveniles 13-16 years old, who in 1972 were already 24-27 years old; ‒ 17-20 year-old young adults released from 40 prisons throughout the country, after having served their sentences for various offences and whose subsequent recidivism was established during the course of 10 years from their release from prison in 1961. Two works, discussing the further recidivism of the juvenile delinquents, convicted for larcency obviously differ markedly regarding the age and follow-up period. The first work deals with the investigated up to the age of 15-16 only, the second also embraces the time when the former juveniles are already approximately 26 years old. However, both works unanimously emphasize the fundamental significance of early initiation of social maladjustment and demoralization for the prognosing of the rapidity and extent of recidivism. They stress the necessity to make use in practice as the only criterion for recidivism of juveniles, each new charge brought before a court and the number of times theft has been committed, being the subject of a given trial. Simultaneously these works reveal unanimously, that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency, are brought up in families, which are unable to guarantee them the proper conditions for normal development and that in these families also many brothers of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency revealed symptoms of social maladjustment and committed offences. The results of the studies under discussion also are unanimous as to the fact that with the majority of the juveniles could be found personality disorders. The material under discussion deserves special attention as regards the juvenile delinquents of the younger age groups. It is of great significance that many of the investigated 10‒11-year-olds charged with larcency committed theft already before. Long years of research, conducted by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences, testify to the fact that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency and brought before Juvenile Courts are boys who already previously committed larcency more than once. Disturbance of the socialization process with these juveniles, usually reaches back to their early childhood, requires early discovery and interference at the earliest possible time in the form of surrounding the parents, brothers and sisters of the juvenile delinquent with care and also of controlling them. The results yielded by follow-up studies of the recidivism during a period of 10 years of the 17-20 year-old young adult offenders, released from prison in 1961, concentrate on young people whose recidivism is undoubtedly connected with serious social maladjustment already during their juvenility. Obviously one cannot identify these young adults released from prison with all the 17‒20-year-old young adults convicted by courts who received various sentences. The results of the follow-up studies of the young adult prisoners should contribute to the initiation of systematic, individual research regarding young adults convicted and receiving various prison terms and to the change of certain guiding lines of the penal and penitentiary policy in regard to young adult offenders.

PL

Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: Wstęp I. Ewa Żabczyńska: Dalsze losy 100 chłopców mających sprawy o kradzieże w wieku 10-11 lat II. Adam Strzembosz: Rozmiary recydywy u nieletnich podsądnych sprawców krażeży III. Teodor Szymanowski: Rozmiary recydywy u młodocianych więźniów po upływie 10 lat od ich zwolnienia z zakładów karnych

9

Granice nieletniości w polskim prawie karnym

76%

Rdzanek-Piwowar G.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1993

|

issue XIX

191-231

EN

The entering into force on 13 May l983 of the Act on the treatment of juveniles of 26 October 1982 ended the period of over fifty years of validity of provisions of the penal code of 1932 (Chapter XI) and code of criminal procedure of 1928 (Chapter II of Book XI) which regulated the principles of responsibility of juvenile perpetrators of “acts prohibited under penalty”. Authors of the pre-war legislation, at the first stage of its preparation in particular, intended to make it specific and educational in nature through omission in the treatment of juveniles of the elements of responsibility and punishment. The finally adopted solution was a compromise: responsibility of juveniles have been related to age, discernment, and type of measures applied. With respect to undiscerning juvenile perpetrators of acts prohibited under penalty under the age of 13, and also to those aged 13–17, only educational measures could be applied (admonition; supervision by the parents, former guardians, or a probation officer; placement in an educational institution) Juveniles aged 13–17 who discerned the meaning of their act were to be placed in a correction al institution; educational measures were to be applied in their cases if the circumstances, the juvenile’s personality or his living conditions made such placement inexpedient. Thus the legislation concerning juveniles remained part of the system of penal law in spite of the special features it started to acquire. That was also the direction, after the war in particular, of interpretation of the legal provisions. As a result, the measures applied to juveniles were given an explicitly educational character. This was done through the relation of those imeasures to the perpetrator’s personality and not to the act, and through abolition of the institution of discernment. Since discernment. Since mid–1950s, the juvenile courts followed instructions which changed the legal status of a juvenile. The age limit of penal responsibility of juveniles was set initially at ten and then at 13 years; younger children were not to be brought before the courts unless the case concerned guardianship. Many changes in the post-war provisions were also introduced by means of statutes. They concerned organization and functioning of the system of treatment of juveniles (strengthening of the role of judge, introduction of the so-called family courts, increased number of probation officers). This way, a socially desirable continuation of the legal tradition was secured by means of reforms which were evolutionary and dictated by the current needs, and without liquidation of the existing structures, tested in the practice of many decades. The new statute adopted many of those changes more or less directly. Setting the upper age limit of juveniles, the post-war penal code of 1969 preserved the principle according to which criminal responsibility is conditioned upon the offender’s age of at least 17 (Art. 9). At the same time, though, Art. 9 made it possible to apply to offenders aged 17 the measures normally designed for juveniles, and to sentence juveniles aged 16 guilty of the most serious crimes to the ordinary but extraordinarily mitigated penalties. The final shape of the Act on the treatment of juveniles of 26 October 1982 was influenced both by the intent to preserve the developed and tested solutions, and by the discussion that preceded its introduction when optional conceptions of the treatment of juveniles were submitted. The following stages of the thirty-two years’ period of legislative works can be distinguished: – the years 1950–1956; long works on a new penal code were in progress and attempts were made at aggravating the responsibility of juveniles through the introduction of penalties (according to a draft of 1950, penalties were to be imposed on juveniles starting from the age of 12); – the years 1956–1960; in 1956, it was decided to work on a separate statute on juvenil and not within the preparation of a new penal code; a special team of the Codification Commission failed to agree upon a draft of the statute; – the years 1961–65; no legislative works were formally in progres but two different conceptions were discussed: of inclusion of prevention in the act (which would thus apply to the socially maladjusted juveniles as well) and of introduction of social courts; – the years 1966–1971; attempts were made at partly realizing those conceptions in a succession of draft statutes; – the years 1972–76; the works were conducted by the Ministry of Education which tried to include the problems of prevention of juvenile delinquency and treatment of juveniles in a broader statute called the young generation code; – the years 1977–82 when the works on a statute were again taken over by the Ministry of Justice and a succession of versions of the draft were prepared. The Act of 26 October 1982 on the treatment of juveniles changed the scope of the notion of “juvenile”. According to the statutory definition, juveniles are: 1) persons with respect to whom provisions of the act apply in the sphere of prevention and control of demoralization; the upper age limit in this category is 18 years, and the lower limit is not specified; 2) persons with respect to whom provisions of the statute apply in the sphere of proceedings in cases of punishable acts; such proceedings can be instituted towards persons who have been aged over 13 but under 17 while committing a punishable act; 3) persons with respect to whom provisions of the statute apply in connection with the carrying out of educational or corrective measures; the upper age limit of this category is 21 years. Tlerefore, the statute goes beyond the sphere traditionally reserved for penal law. The aim at making the statute educational in nature is manifested above all by the principle that the commission by a juvenile of a punishable act is not the only condition of the institution of proceedings in the case of that juvenile. The statute sanctions the need for intervention in the early stage of social maladjustment not only in cases where that maladjustment manifests itself in a punishable act. If a juvenile does commit an act of this kind, his offence is not examined in the categories of guilt and responsibility. This is manifested by the abolition of the criteria of discernment, by the term “punishable act” used to designate an offence committed by a juvenile, and by the absence of the term “responsibility of juveniles” in the name and provisions of the statute discussed. The statute bases on the assumption of education; its basic notion is demoralization. In its first meaning in which it has been used by the legislator, “demoralization'” is treated as a prerequisite of initiation of proceedings. Were the educational assumptions adopted to the full, commission of a punishable act could and should be treated as one of the symptoms of demoralization, not different in any way from the other symptoms. Assumed in the statute, however, is a special treatment of the juveniles with respecr to whom provisions of the statute apply in the sphere of prevention of demoralization, and in the sphere of control of demoralization. With respect to the latter, provisions of the statute on proceedings in cases of punishable acts apply, and with respect to the former – provisions on civil proceedings. The differentiation introduced by the statute (which is not consistent for that matter) results from a specific compromise: a combination of the ideas of prevention and education with the approach typical of penal law where the legal response is conditioned upon the gravity of the act. A conflict of the tendencies which clash nowadays all over the world – to preserve the model of treatment of juveniles within the institutions of penal law on the one hand, and to give the statute an educational character on the other hand – can be noticed in other provisions of the statute discussed as well. In the classical system, the age limits of juveniles were clear and had just as clearly defined functions – they marked out the age of the so-called conditional criminal responsibility, provided discernment could be ascertained. Today, the upper limit of the age of juveniles is usually also the limit of full criminal responsibility, although many legislations provide for an exceptional possibility of imposition of penalties upon the oldest juveniles who commit a crime or a serious offence. The problem of the lower limit is more entangled , the modern legislations adopting several age limits here which results usually from the need to determine different scopes of intervention of the legal provisions in the sphere of juvenile law. Therefore, what still remains an important issue is for the juvenile law to define an age limit below which provisions of penal law never apply, not even as auxiliaries.

10

Emotion Work in the Context of the Resocialization of Youth in Correctional Facilities in Poland

75%

Chomczyński P.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2017

|

vol. 198

|

issue 2

219-236

EN

This article reflects on the “emotion work” undertaken by youth in correctional facilities and the impact of such work on the resocialization process, which occurs in conditions of partial isolation. The author attempts to adapt the psychological concept to the educational activities offered in youth correctional facilities. He defends the idea that an inmate’s emotion work, which occurs through the inmate’s relations with the personnel, provides the basis for effective resocialization activities. He discusses activities to help boys and girls in correctional facilities develop accepted social mechanisms for managing their negative emotions. The findings presented in the article rest on seven years of qualitative research in resocialization centers of all types throughout Poland. The principle of triangulation in regard to method, researcher, and data was used for the research. For analysis of the empirical material, an interpretative paradigm was used to grasp the interactive nature of emotion work and the emergence of negative emotions.

11

Cooperation with the charges’ families as a component of functionality of re-socialization institutions for minors

75%

Jezierska B.

Wychowanie w Rodzinie

|

2016

|

vol. XIII

|

issue (1/2016)

497-510

EN

Efficient functioning of a re-socialization institution is a condition of its growth and key factor of appropriate course of the community life that within its structure. Its efficiency relies on explicitly, clearly acknowledged objectives, its internal organization and division of workload as well as the independence of the professional tasks from the personal interests of the staff. Moreover, it tackles the conformity of the staff aspirations with aims and assignments for the accomplishment of which such a structure has been established, entailing high internal integrity, productive cooperation with other facilities and the external environment. It enables the achievement of the projected and socially desired outcomes as well as the accomplishment of common goals upon arrangements of various activities. Cooperation with the family environment of the charges constitutes a key element of the functionality of every re-socialization institution. It must be remembered that parents of the juvenile delinquents manifest features disabling the appropriate course of the upbringing, which consequently can lead to the children’s criminogenic lifestyle. Such features concern structural properties of the families, qualities related to the emotional attitude to their child, parental competences and last but not least – upbringing methods. Non-structural features can be subject to modification in given circumstances. Nonetheless, it is a challenging task particularly when institutions do not participate in the process of family support. Inclusion of the charges’ parents in the process of its correctional activities can condition the quality of educational measures accomplished within, becoming a key indicator of a rational organization and correction of behavior, reforming socially maladjusted behaviors of children and teenagers.

PL

Sprawne działanie instytucji resocjalizacyjnej jest warunkiem jej rozwoju oraz istotnym czynnikiem prawidłowego przebiegu życia społeczności, która w jej obrębie funkcjonuje. Skuteczność instytucji resocjalizacyjnej zależy od wyraźnie i jednoznacznie określonego celu przez nią przyjętego, jej organizacji wewnętrznej i podziału pracy oraz uniezależnienia czynności służbowych od osobistych interesów pracowników, a także pozostawania przez nią w dającej się obiektywnie ustalić zgodzie z celami i zadaniami, dla realizacji których została powołana, wysokiej integracji wewnętrznej, sprawnej kooperacji z instytucjami z nią współpracującymi oraz środowiskiem zewnętrznym. Umożliwia to uzyskiwanie zamierzonych, społecznie pożądanych rezultatów oraz dążenie do wspólnego celu w procesie uzgadniania różnych czynności. Ważnym elementem funkcjonalności instytucji resocjalizacyjnej jest współpraca ze środowiskiem rodzinnym jej wychowanków. Rodziny nieletnich sprawców przestępstw charakteryzują się cechami utrudniającymi prawidłowy przebieg wychowania, co w rezultacie doprowadza do przestępczości dzieci. Wśród tych cech są zarówno strukturalne właściwości rodzin, jak i cechy związane z emocjonalnym stosunkiem do dziecka oraz kompetencjami rodzicielskimi i metodami wychowawczymi. Cechy pozastrukturalne można w określonych warunkach modyfikować. Jest to zadanie trudne, szczególnie, gdy inne instytucje nie uczestniczą w pomaganiu rodzinie. Włączenie rodzin wychowanków instytucji resocjalizacyjnej w proces jej oddziaływań korekcyjnych, warunkować może jakość realizowanych w niej zabiegów edukacyjnych i stać się istotnym wyznacznikiem racjonalnego organizowania i korygowania postępowania kreującego właściwe i reformującego społecznie nieaprobowane zachowania dzieci i młodzieży.

12

Opieka nad dzieckiem przestępczym na ziemiach polskich w XIX wieku

75%

Szewczyk I.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

|

2005

|

vol. 33

|

issue 2

85-102

EN

Poland was under difficult circumstances in the 19th century. Both the legal procedure and care on juvenile delinquents was formed differently, irrespective of a tendency in the partitioner. The pace of foreign laws and first specialist institutions for juvenile delinquents in the three partitions was different and depended strictly on the partitioners' decisions. It was in the Polish Kingdom that the initiative to set up corrective centres was the fastest and most numerous. Following a charitable initiative three institutions were established and functioned there (the Mokotów Institute of Moral Improvement of Children, Agricultural-Craft ... in Studzień, and the School of Labour in Struga). In the Prussian and Austrian partitions the initiative to establish institutes for juvenile delinquents belonged to the state. In the Prussian partition there were two corrective centres: in Chojnice and Szubina, whereas in the Austrian partition the first institute started as late as the 20th century. All the above institutes did not play any important role in fighting delinquency because the number of places they offered were insufficient. Nevertheless they initiated of organised work with juvenile delinquents in the 20th century.

13

Interwencja wobec nieletnich w sytuacji zagrożenia agresją na terenie instytucji resocjalizacyjnych

63%

Karłyk-Ćwik A.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio J – Paedagogia-Psychologia

|

2017

|

vol. 30

|

issue 4

EN

The intervention against juvenile predators in correctional institutions, due to the nature of the aggressors and their environment, belongs to one of the most difficult. Featured article is a theoretical analysis of factors, deciding on regularity and effectiveness of this type of intervention, both technical and methodical – defining the objectives and course of the intervention and the manner and conditions of its carry out, as well as those – personal and professional – including special psychophysical predisposition and personal resources enabling educators to the effective action in emergency situations.

PL

Interwencja wobec nieletnich agresorów przebywających w placówkach resocjalizacyjnych, ze względu na specyfikę napastników oraz środowiska ich funkcjonowania, należy do jednej z najtrudniejszych. Prezentowany artykuł stanowi teoretyczną analizę czynników decydujących o prawidłowości oraz skuteczności tego typu interwencji, zarówno tych o charakterze technicznym i metodycznym (określających cele i przebieg interwencji oraz sposób i warunki jej przeprowadzenia), jak i tych o charakterze osobowym i kompetencyjnym (obejmujących szczególne predyspozycje psychofizyczne oraz zasoby osobiste umożliwiające pedagogom sprawne i efektywne działanie w sytuacjach kryzysowych).

14

Losy życiowe młodych mężczyzn, którzy w nieletniości popełnili co najmniej jedno przestępstwo pod wpływem alkoholu

55%

Krawczyk J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1993

|

issue XIX

17-26

EN

A study of two 100-person groups of juvenile delinquents born in 1959 was conducted in the years 1981‒1985 at the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences. The first (experimental) group consisted of boys randomly selected from the total of 225 juveniles born in 1959 who had committed at least on offence while intoxicated. The other (control) group were 100 randomly juveniles selected from the entire population of 8196 juvenile delinquents born in 1959. None of the juveniles selected for the experimental group happened to find themselves in the control group as well. As shown by the findings, the juveniles who had committed at least one offence while intoxicated were much more demoralized as a group than the whole of juvenile delinquents. It seemed interesting, therefore, to follow the further fates of both groups as adults. The follow-up period was 7 years; until that time, all of the examined persons reached the age of 25 when the average Polish man be- comes stabilized to some extent, having graduated from university, worked for several or a dozen years (upon completion of secondary or elementary education respectively), and frequently having also established a family. Data on the life situation of the young men from both examined groups on their 25th birthday were obtained from the following four sources: ‒ the Central Register of Convicted Persons kept by the Ministry of Justice, and the Register of Convicted and Detained Persons where criminal records of the entire sample were checked; ‒ files of criminal cases of all men with criminal records (47.0% of the experimental and 35.0% of the control group); the files concerned criminal proceedings before common courts for offences committed after coming of age; ‒ questionnaire survey of 63.0% of the experimental and 66.0% of the control group; ‒ inquiry submitted to the sobering-up stations concerning the entire sample. As shown by the findings, 24.0% of the experimental and 13.0% of the control group established their own families before the age of 25. The proportions are high, as regards the experimental group in particular: erly in the 1980s, the newly married constituted about 10% of the total male population aged 20‒24 in Poland. The mean educational level was higher in the control compared to the experimental group; this concerns first and foremost cases of education higher than the elmementary technical (of which there were two in the experimental compared to ten in the control group). Moreover, no cases of illiteracy could be found in the control group, compared to one such case in the experimental group. Of all the men of the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 80.4% had a regular job, and 19.6% stayed out of job or worked casually. Of the control group, 80.0% had a regular job (33% combining job with school), 18.3% stayed out of job or worked casually, and one person had entered university. The number of convicted persons in the experimental group (47) was larger compared to the control group (35) by 12.0%, the difference being significant. Also relapse into crime was higher in the expenmental group (l5 vs. 11 cases). The first offence committed by those convicted as young adults was mainly one against property: 35 cases in the experimental group (66.0% of all those convicted) and 28 cases in the control group (80.0%). The second most frequent offence of members of the experimental group was an aggressive act: against life and health, freedom, personal dignity and inviolability (10 persons, i.e. 18.8% of all those convicted). The offences of this type included: bodily injury (Art. 156 of the penal code – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); participation in a brawl or beating (Art. 158 and 159 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); infringement of bodily inviolability (Art. 182 – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); assault against a public functionary (Art. 233 and 234 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); insult against a public functionary (Art. 236 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%). In the control group, 6 cases of such offences could be found (9.1% of all those convicted); yet the only offence under Art. 148 1 of the penal code, that is homicide, had been committed by a member of that goup.The other discussed figures and proportions were respectively: Art. l58, 159 – 3 persons, i.e. 8.6%; Art. 182 – 1 person (2.9%); Art. 233, 234 – 1 person (2.9%); and Art. 236 – 1 person (29%). Beside offences, the two groups manifested also other synptoms of social maladjustment. The symptoms found most often in both groups were: “contacts with persons known to the police as delinquent” and stays at the sobering-up station. As regards the experimental group, the third frequent symptom were brawls in the place of residence followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and avoidance of work. In the control group, avoidance of work ranked third, followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and brawls at the place of residence. This ranking of frequency of the symptoms of social maladjustment points to a greater aggressiveness of the young men from the experimental group. On the 63 young men from the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 62 (98.0%) drank alcohol. In the control group 59 (89.0%) of the 66 concerning whom data could be obtained were drinkers. The group of drinkers included all those who had drunk several times a week already as juveniles, and 70% of those who had drunk once a week. In the control group, drinkers included 91.7% of those who had drunk as juvoniles (11 of 12 cases). Of those who had drunk as juveniles in the control group, 66.7% (8 cases) were convicted as adults. As shown by the discussed data, young men from the experimental group – those who committed as juveniles at least one offence while intoxicated prove much inferior in terms of the social situation to other men who also committed offences as juveniles but did not drink alcohol. Therefore, early alcohol consumption among juvenile delinquents is an important factor of a negative prognosis as to the further fates of such persons. A number of postulates have been formulated, addressed at the prosecuting agencies, criminal justice, and institutions designed to assist persons in extraordinary situation. With respect to the present sample, all such postulates acquire special importance and must be met without fail.

PL

A study of two 100-person groups of juvenile delinquents born in 1959 was conducted in the years 1981‒1985 at the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences. The first (experimental) group consisted of boys randomly selected from the total of 225 juveniles born in 1959 who had committed at least on offence while intoxicated. The other (control) group were 100 randomly juveniles selected from the entire population of 8196 juvenile delinquents born in 1959. None of the juveniles selected for the experimental group happened to find themselves in the control group as well. As shown by the findings, the juveniles who had committed at least one offence while intoxicated were much more demoralized as a group than the whole of juvenile delinquents. It seemed interesting, therefore, to follow the further fates of both groups as adults. The follow-up period was 7 years; until that time, all of the examined persons reached the age of 25 when the average Polish man be- comes stabilized to some extent, having graduated from university, worked for several or a dozen years (upon completion of secondary or elementary education respectively), and frequently having also established a family. Data on the life situation of the young men from both examined groups on their 25th birthday were obtained from the following four sources: ‒ the Central Register of Convicted Persons kept by the Ministry of Justice, and the Register of Convicted and Detained Persons where criminal records of the entire sample were checked; ‒ files of criminal cases of all men with criminal records (47.0% of the experimental and 35.0% of the control group); the files concerned criminal proceedings before common courts for offences committed after coming of age; ‒ questionnaire survey of 63.0% of the experimental and 66.0% of the control group; ‒ inquiry submitted to the sobering-up stations concerning the entire sample. As shown by the findings, 24.0% of the experimental and 13.0% of the control group established their own families before the age of 25. The proportions are high, as regards the experimental group in particular: erly in the 1980s, the newly married constituted about 10% of the total male population aged 20‒24 in Poland. The mean educational level was higher in the control compared to the experimental group; this concerns first and foremost cases of education higher than the elmementary technical (of which there were two in the experimental compared to ten in the control group). Moreover, no cases of illiteracy could be found in the control group, compared to one such case in the experimental group. Of all the men of the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 80.4% had a regular job, and 19.6% stayed out of job or worked casually. Of the control group, 80.0% had a regular job (33% combining job with school), 18.3% stayed out of job or worked casually, and one person had entered university. The number of convicted persons in the experimental group (47) was larger compared to the control group (35) by 12.0%, the difference being significant. Also relapse into crime was higher in the expenmental group (l5 vs. 11 cases). The first offence committed by those convicted as young adults was mainly one against property: 35 cases in the experimental group (66.0% of all those convicted) and 28 cases in the control group (80.0%). The second most frequent offence of members of the experimental group was an aggressive act: against life and health, freedom, personal dignity and inviolability (10 persons, i.e. 18.8% of all those convicted). The offences of this type included: bodily injury (Art. 156 of the penal code – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); participation in a brawl or beating (Art. 158 and 159 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); infringement of bodily inviolability (Art. 182 – 3 persons, i.e. 6.4%); assault against a public functionary (Art. 233 and 234 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%); insult against a public functionary (Art. 236 – 1 person, i.e. 2.1%). In the control group, 6 cases of such offences could be found (9.1% of all those convicted); yet the only offence under Art. 148 1 of the penal code, that is homicide, had been committed by a member of that goup.The other discussed figures and proportions were respectively: Art. l58, 159 – 3 persons, i.e. 8.6%; Art. 182 – 1 person (2.9%); Art. 233, 234 – 1 person (2.9%); and Art. 236 – 1 person (29%). Beside offences, the two groups manifested also other synptoms of social maladjustment. The symptoms found most often in both groups were: “contacts with persons known to the police as delinquent” and stays at the sobering-up station. As regards the experimental group, the third frequent symptom were brawls in the place of residence followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and avoidance of work. In the control group, avoidance of work ranked third, followed by bad opinion with neighbors, hooliganism, and brawls at the place of residence. This ranking of frequency of the symptoms of social maladjustment points to a greater aggressiveness of the young men from the experimental group. On the 63 young men from the experimental group concerning whom data could be obtained, 62 (98.0%) drank alcohol. In the control group 59 (89.0%) of the 66 concerning whom data could be obtained were drinkers. The group of drinkers included all those who had drunk several times a week already as juveniles, and 70% of those who had drunk once a week. In the control group, drinkers included 91.7% of those who had drunk as juvoniles (11 of 12 cases). Of those who had drunk as juveniles in the control group, 66.7% (8 cases) were convicted as adults. As shown by the discussed data, young men from the experimental group – those who committed as juveniles at least one offence while intoxicated prove much inferior in terms of the social situation to other men who also committed offences as juveniles but did not drink alcohol. Therefore, early alcohol consumption among juvenile delinquents is an important factor of a negative prognosis as to the further fates of such persons. A number of postulates have been formulated, addressed at the prosecuting agencies, criminal justice, and institutions designed to assist persons in extraordinary situation. With respect to the present sample, all such postulates acquire special importance and must be met without fail. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi kontynuację opracowania: Nieletni sprawcy przestępstw popełnionych pod wpływem alkoholu, „Archiwum Kryminologii” 1991, t. XVIII.

15

Czynniki egzogenne determinujące zachowania agresywne wychowanków zakładów poprawczych wobec pracowników. Problem bezpieczeństwa personelu

51%

Chomczyński P.

Resocjalizacja Polska

|

2013

|

issue 4/2013

157-172

PL

Artykuł ma charakter empiryczny, zaś prezentowane w nim rezultaty badań opierają się na technikach jakościowych, takich jak: wywiady swobodne przeprowadzone z personelem i podopiecznymi, obserwacja jawna quasi-uczestnicząca, analiza dokumentów.

EN

The aim of this paper is to present the selected exogenous conditions influencing the safety of staff in Polish reformatories for juvenile delinquents. There are discussed the circumstances linked with staff and inmates’ activities raising the risk of extraordinary events occurrence. The article posses the empirical character and the results presented here base on qualitative techniques..

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