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EN
The main objective of this paper is to present the different forms of the employment of journalists based on the current legislation. The article describes the legal status and rights provided under a contract of employment according to the Labour Code (employment for a probationary period, undetermined period of time, determined period of time or to substitute). There are also other legal bases of journalist employment currently in Poland. These are civil-legal contracts such as a mandate contract or a contract for specific work which are regulated by the Civil Code. Employers are increasingly often concluding contracts with journalists for specific tasks, which are known as “rubbish contracts” because they do not guarantee many employee rights. The author presents, among others, the statutory definition of an employment relationship and the basic differences between the above-mentioned types of contracts.
EN
The present paper diff erentiates between two related but not identical processes: on the one hand, the approximation of Bulgarian media law with Community law, and on the other the real transformations in the media sector caused by the process of the EU integration of Bulgaria. The Com- munity law implementation is a prerequisite for the legislative reform in countries in accession but it is only one of the elements of EU conditionality. The critical analysis of the effectiveness of EU condi- tionality in respect of Bulgarian media policy and law has been carried out.
EN
The history of pirate, illegal television stations in Poland is presented here against the broader background of systemic transformations (both political and legal). According to the author of the article, it was an inevitable phenomenon, closely linked to the creation of the foundations of a democratic, lawful state with free-market economy. They were a factor which enforced acceleration of political change, legislative works and affected the change of the programming offer. Although pirate television stations were a short-lived phenomenon, they had huge impact on the later development of electronic media in Poland.
4
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Content available

Etyka reklamy

86%
EN
The article discusses the most important issues related to legal and especially ethical aspects of advertising in polish law.
PL
W niniejszym artykule omówiono najważniejsze kwestie dotyczące funkcjonowania reklamy w polskim porządku prawnym, ze szczególnym naciskiem na etykę reklamy.
EN
The study deals with the legal regulation of publications in the Slovak Republic, noting the position of publishers and web portal operators in the context of the new law ‘on publications’. This law specified publishers and operators as participants in the media market, defined community media, and established modern regulatory elements, including self-regulation, which have brought significant transparency to the ownership and financing of print and web media. In this study, we note the historical outline of the development of the press after 1989, the stabilisation of the situation within the legislative regulation of the press in 2008, while our primary objective is to define the current legal standards of the newly adopted Publications Act. We also reflect on the possible risks and problems that the new law entails, but our main aim is to present the fundamental and innovative changes that have resulted from several years of legislative process in the field of media law.
PL
Analizowana przez autora realizacja przez media prawa do krytyki władzy napotyka w praktyce na spore trudności. Niezależnie od powszechnie akceptowanej i gwarantowanej konstytucyjnie wolności słowa istnieje jednak wiele barier ograniczających dziennikarską swobodę wypowiedzi. Chodzi przede wszystkim o bariery prawne oraz etyczne. Koncepcja materialnej (absolutnej) wolności mediów nie została bowiem zrealizowana przez ustawodawstwo żadnego z krajów europejskich. W opinii autora odpowiedzialność karna za nadużywanie wolności wypowiedzi nie ogranicza prawa obywateli do krytyki władzy, ale czyni je znacznie bardziej skutecznym, jeśli towarzyszy jej odpowiedzialność za słowo.
EN
In the article the author analyzes the implementation of the media right to criticize the government. This regulation faces in practice considerable difficulties. Regardless of the widely accepted and constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech, there are many barriers for the journalistic freedom of expression. It is all about the legal and ethical barriers. The concept of material freedom of the media was not in fact implemented by the legislation of the European states. In the author’s opinion, the threat of criminal liability for the abuse of freedom of expression, does not limit the right of citizens to criticize the government, but it makes the right to criticize much more effective if is accompanied by a responsibility for word.
EN
In the article the author analyzes the implementation of the media right to criticize the government. This regulation faces in practice considerable difficulties. Regardless of the widely accepted and constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech, there are many barriers for the journalistic freedom of expression. It is all about the legal and ethical barriers. The concept of material freedom of the media was not in fact implemented by the legislation of the European states.In the author’s opinion, the threat of criminal liability for the abuse of freedom of expression, does not limit the right of citizens to criticize the government, but it makes the right to criticize much more effective if is accompanied by a responsibility for word.
EN
In the Hungarian legal system, the anti-hate speech rules of media law provide an ad-ditional (administrative) proceeding for the media authority in parallel with proceedings under criminal law and civil law. The media authorities, over the past twenty years, have consistently set media law sanctions at a lower intervention threshold than criminal law did, and in many cases, they established media law violation in cases where criminal proceedings for incitement against a community were not initiated or ended in acquittal. The fundamental aim of media law regulation is to shape media content and the edit-ing practices of media players with a view to ensure respect for human dignity, and to prevent media from becoming an ‘amplifier’ of hateful communications. In the first four-teen years of the Hungarian media regulation, the scope of interpretation concerning anti-hate speech media law restrictions developed gradually. The authority reacted not only to individual cases, and individual communications, but also carried out targeted investigations in cases that can be described as a phenomenon in the media coverage. Besides reviewing news and information programmes, it also acted against hateful con-tents of the entertainment programmes. The new media regulation, which entered into force in 2011, partially amended the content of the former anti-hate speech regulation: in addition to the provisions of “incitement to hatred”, the former category of “offending or prejudiced content” was replaced by the prohibition of “exclusion”. The practice of the media authority has not changed as regards the assessment of the media law standard, as the authority has continued to apply it differently from the criminal law standard, con-sidering it as a lower intervention threshold. However, in comparison with pre-2010 practice, the authority initiated considerably fewer proceedings and its approach in terms of law enforcement became less characterised by adjudicating problems that can be de-scribed as phenomenon in the media coverage, no targeted proceedings of this kind were initiated. Its practice can be characterised by a couple of high profile cases with extreme sanctions, which attract great attention. These cases are important as they designate the boundaries of public communications, but in this way, media law measures are not really suitable for making any substantial changes to the characteristics of the media coverage.
EN
In the post-Soviet states of today globalization is taking place predominantly to the West’s values for human rights and fundamental freedoms. This process is being driven by such interna- tional organizations as the European Union, Council of Europe and OSCE, which operate here prima- rily as human-rights protectors. Th organizations have exerted significant pressure on the authori- ties in the countries in this study, especially Azerbaijan, Armenia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova and Ukraine. The media reforms that international bodies are influencing in these countries are generally leading towards a more robust model for independent journalism. The concept of free- dom of mass information is reviving, state broadcasters are being turned into public-service, and other changes are taking place.
PL
Obecnie wydawca prasowy znajduje się w niekomfortowej sytuacji, gdyż zapewnia finansowanie i organizację tworzenia prasy, a jednocześnie nie ma możliwości, aby chronić powstałe treści. Taka sytuacja jest wynikiem ustawodawstwa, które jest dostosowane do obecnych modeli biznesowych, wykorzystujących treści prasowe, stworzone przez inne podmioty. W artykule przestawiono analizę zapisów różnych aktów normatywnych, które kształtują sytuację prawną wydawców. Wskazane zostały najważniejsze kolizje regulacji prawnych i rzeczywistości. Poddano analizie projekt nowelizacji prawa autorskiego na poziomie Unii Europejskiej i rozważono możliwość zastosowania lub implementacji takich zapisów w polskiej rzeczywistości.
EN
At present, the press publisher is in such an uncomfortable situation when it provides funding and the organization of the press, and at the same time isn’t able to protect the resulting content. This is the result of legislation that is aligned with current business models using press content created by others. The article presents an analysis of various normative acts that shape the legal situation of publishers. The text highlights the most important collisions of legal regulations and reality. The article discusses a draft regulation amending the copyright law at European Union level, proposing the introduction of rights related to the publisher. In addition, consideration was given to the possibility of applying or implementing the proposed EU regulation in Polish reality.
11
Content available remote

Neuromarketing from a legal perspective

72%
The Lawyer Quarterly
|
2017
|
vol. 7
|
issue 1
40-49
EN
Neuromarketing utilizes modern techniques of monitoring brain functioning in order to design efficient advertising contents. Due to its capacity to interfere with and to influence decision process of customers, neuromarketing is regarded as highly controversial. The article examines possible manners of protection of individuals from the perspective of personal autonomy and privacy protection. It analyzes possibilities of challenging validity of legal transactions made under influence of neuromarketing based advertising as well as applicability of unfair practices in advertising. The paper also claims that the current personal data protection legislation is not applicable. Privacy of mind is described in terms of privacy of contents and privacy of processes. Mental processes are considered as crucial for creating contents of mind as well as for an individual approach to own privacy. The article concludes that the current regulation of unfair practices as well as the regulation of privacy do not provide an appropriate level of protection and that general clauses should be complemented with specific provision on inadmissible practices in advertising.
PL
W dobie celebrytyzacji życia politycznego oraz intymizacji przekazu medialnego zyskuje na znaczeniu problematyka granic prawnej ochrony prywatności przed naruszeniami ze strony mediów. W pierwszej części artykułu („SM” 2014, nr 2) zostało zaprezentowane stanowisko Trybunału Europejskiego w kwestii wspomnianych granic. W tej części przychylne mediom orzecznictwo Trybunału zostało zestawione ze znacznie bardziej restrykcyjnymi przepisami krajowymi obowiązującymi w tej materii. Poddano też analizie skutki, jakie podejście tego organu może mieć dla debaty publicznej w Polsce. Przede wszystkim zwrócono uwagę na fakt, że ułatwia ono obywatelom formułowanie ocen na temat postaw moralnych osób publicznych, w tym zwłaszcza polityków.
EN
In the era of the celebritization of political life and the so-called intimization of media content issue of the boundaries of legal protection against violations of privacy by the media is becoming increasingly important. In the fi rst part of this article („SM” 2014, nr 2), the position of the European Court of Human Rights in the matters mentioned above is presented. In this part the favorable media Court’s position has been contrasted with much more restrictive relevant national rules. The possible effects of the Court’s approach on the public debate in Poland are analyzed. Attention has been drawn to the fact that this approach makes it easier for citizens to formulate judgments about moral attitudes of public fi gures, especially politicians.
PL
Artykuł zawiera omówienie stanowiska Trybunału Europejskiego w kwestii granic prawnej ochrony prywatności przed naruszeniami ze strony mediów. To stanowisko ewoluowało przez lata, a jako kluczowe etapy tego rozwoju wskazano wyroki w sprawach Tammer, von Hannover (1) oraz Axel Springer i von Hannover (nr 2). Test sformułowany w tych dwóch wyrokach stanowi ukoronowanie dorobku orzeczniczego Trybunału dotyczącego relacji art. 8 i art. 10 Konwencji europejskiej.
EN
The article contains a discussion of the stand of the European Court of Human Rights concerning the legal boundaries of protecting privacy from violations on account of media. This standpoint evolved through the years, and as the key stages of this development, verdicts in the cases Tammer, von Hannover (1) and Axel Springer and von Hannover (nr 2) are recalled. The test created in these two verdicts is the crown achievement of the Courts jurisdiction work concerning the relations of article 8 and article 10 of the Convention.
PL
Początki radia i telewizji kazachskiej są związane z rozwojem tych mediów początkowo w Imperium Rosyjskim, a następnie Związku Radzieckim. Artykuł przedstawia historyczne etapy rozwoju radia i telewizji w Kazachstanie. Autorzy wskazują na uwarunkowania techniczne i społeczno-polityczne rozwoju mediów elektronicznych na obszarze obecnego Kazachstanu. W materiale dokonana jest analiza struktury typologicznej zarówno radia, jak i telewizji współczesnego Kazachstanu. Analizuje także stan ustawodawstwa medialnego dotyczącego radia i telewizji. Przedstawione zostały także charakterystyki głównych stacji radiowych i kanałów telewizyjnych Kazachstanu i ich społecznego znaczenia.
EN
The beginnings of radio broadcasting and TV in Kazakhstan result of the development of media in the Russian Empire and after in the Soviet Union. This article describes the historical stages of the development of Kazakhstan radio broadcasting and television. The authors focus especially on technical, social and political conditions of the progress of media. They analyse the typology of radio broadcasting and TV of contemporary Kazakhstan. Then they consider the broadcasting law. After all, they characterize main radio and TV outlets, in particular, their social significance.
PL
Prasa ukraińska po odzyskaniu niepodległości uległa poważnym przeobrażeniom dostosowującym ją do standardów Rady Europy i Unii Europejskiej. Proces ten w wyniku wydania licznych aktów prawnych został uwieńczony powodzeniem, aczkolwiek niejasne jest czy i w jakim stopniu wspomniane normy znajdują zastosowanie w praktyce. Wyzwaniem dla wolnej prasy ukraińskiej stały się wydarzenia polityczne, związane z zajęciem Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską i konfliktem zbrojnym w Donbasie. Temu zadaniu nie umieją one sprostać, podobnie zresztą jak dyplomacja ukraińska. Zarówno dyplomacja jak i prasa ukraińska nie są w stanie w sposób rzetelny przedstawić przebiegu konfliktu i zbić argumenty Rosji, że zajęcie Krymu było działaniem realizującym zasadę samostanowienia narodów i nastąpiło zgodnie z wolą mieszkańców tego półwyspu i przeprowadzonemu referendum. W tekście artykułu przedstawiono argumenty wskazujące, że stanowisko Federacji Rosyjskiej jest niedopuszczalnym pogwałceniem norm prawa międzynarodowego. Wskazano jednocześnie przykłady manipulacji przekazami internetowymi, z którymi prasa ukraińska niezbyt sobie radzi.
EN
After regaining independence by Ukraine, the press has undergone a remarkable transformation adapting it to the standards of the Council of Europe and the European Union. This process has been successful because of the adoption of numerous legal acts, although it is unclear whether and to what extent these standards are applied in practice. The challenge for the Ukrainian free press have become political events related to the occupation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the armed conflict in Donbas. Ukrainian press can’t meet this challenge, just as the Ukrainian diplomacy. Both Ukrainian diplomacy and Ukrainian press are unable to fairly present the course of the conflict and counter the arguments of Russia that incorporation of the Crimea was an action governed by the rule of self-determination of peoples, and was prepared in accordance with the will of the inhabitants of the peninsula and carried out the referendum. The text of the article presents arguments showing that the position of the Russian Federation is an unacceptable violation of the norms of international law. The text also indicates examples of manipulation of remittances online, with whom the Ukrainian press not coping.
RU
Украинская пресса после восстановления независимости, перешла значительные изменения, адаптируя еe к стандартам Совета Европы и Европейского Союза. Этот процесс после принятия многих действий был завершен успешнo, хотя неясно до какой степени применяются эти нормы в практике. Вызовoм для украинской свободной прессы стали политические события, связанные с аннексией Крыма Российской Федерацией и войной в Донбассе. Cложна им ж этим справиться, так как и украинской дипломатии. Украинская пресса и дипломатия не могут целесообразно представить конфликт и противостоять аргументoм России, якобы захват Крыма был связан c самоопределениeм народов и был в соответствии с волей жителей полуострова, а также с референдумом. Текст статьи представляет аргументы, показывающие, что позиция Российской Федерации является недопустимым нарушением норм международного права. В то же время показано примеры манипуляции интернет информацией, с которыми украинская пресса недостаточно справляется.
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