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Safety & Defense
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2019
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vol. 5
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issue 2
41-46
EN
The armed forces of NATO, the foundation of military security in the collective and individual sense, have been, for years, constituting the determinants shaping their interoperability and effectiveness. Such actions are taken with varying intensity by all members also in terms of military leadership. The scope and comprehensiveness of these actions mainly oscillate around the perception of leadership in the context of the tool for shaping interpersonal relationships. The goal of the organizational context, which less attention is put to, is the proper section and training of the leaders, who are not accidentally appointed, but were chosen on the basis of a thoughtful process. Therefore, in the area of leadership considered an important organizational phenomenon, a variety of transformations are carried out, which are intended to improve leadership and the units implementing them, so it is used for the benefit of the armed forces. The Polish armed forces have also undertaken such actions. Their scope is to be based on a broad analysis of leadership in conducted in 2018. However, ensuring the optimization of further action requires the recognition of the most significant leadership transformations that have been implemented by the Alliance’sleading armed forces and are a guarantor of substantially higher quality of military leadership. These transformations are described and discussed in this paper.
EN
The article describes the problems of Polish military forces in the context of a relatively new type of threat, commonly described as “hybrid warfare”. The first step of the analysis is a description of such threat, based on data gathered by Polish and foreign analytical centers. The next step is a presentation of the current state of Polish military forces – in terms of doctrine, organization, training and materiel (e.g. equipment). This kind of data analysis offers relevant information about defense capabilities that the Polish Armed Forces have and those which they lack. These capabilities are then compared to the challenges posed by hybrid warfare, thus providing insights on potential new capabilities which should be acquired as well as those which are unnecessary in the context of hybrid war.
EN
The article presents the directions and causes of changes in the command system and organization of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland. It presents issues related to the changes that took place in the Polish Armed Forces after 1989 resulting from changes in the international security environment and resulting from Polish accession to the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
EN
The study concerns forecasting the number of soldiers in the Saudi Arabian army based on information obtained from the website: https://data.worldbank.org (The World Bank, 9.03.2020). The research began with a comparative analysis of the number of soldiers in the armies of Saudi Arabia and Russia. The idea for a comparative analysis of the number of armies of Saudi Arabia and the Russian Federation arises from Russian policy in the region of the Middle East countries, including the impact on world oil prices. The comparative analysis showed the similarities and differences in the dynamics of changes in the number of both armies dynamically. Subsequently, the primary time series data analysis on the number of Saudi Arabian troops was performed. The study selected methods for predicting raw data: Holt’s exponential smoothing and Klein’s model for the future. The next stage of the research was forecasting and the analysis and evaluation of the obtained forecasts. Klein’s model was the best forecasting model. The forecast of the number of soldiers in the Saudi Arabian army for 2020 is 251454, and for 2021, it has increased to 251006. The study ends with a summary and conclusions.
EN
The study attempts to forecast military expenditure in Saudi Arabia for 2020. The research began with a comparative analysis of military expenditure in Saudi Arabia and Russia between 2000–2019. For this purpose, bar charts were used on which the calculated values of the dynamics indices with a fixed (2000) and movable (previous year) base of the considered primary data were outlined. The study was preceded by constructing a multiple regression model to evaluate the impact of the increase in military expenditure in Russia on Saudi Arabia. This model shows that as military spending in Russia increases by one million dollars, military spending in Saudi Arabia increases by $ 0.085 million. Then, data on the expenditure incurred by both analyzed countries in 2020, obtained from various internet sources, was outlined. Their analysis made it possible to select only qualitative methods in the form of expert opinions for the forecast. Saudi Arabia's military expenditure forecast was $ 57 500 million.
EN
The following article is a summary of research performed by the Author in American military institutions (among others Command and General Staff School, U.S. Army War College, U.S. CENTCOM in the years 2010‑2013), which aim was to create a comprehensive training and deployment model of operationalization of culture for military operations for the Polish Armed Forces. In this part of research results, American solutions in the field of training, doctrines and operational activity were analyzed, all those that aim at improving operational effectiveness through the integration of socio‑cultural knowledge of the AOO and non‑kinetic military activities.
EN
The article elucidates the endangerment to Poland's military security by the USSR in the interwar period of three sub-periods: 1921-1926, 1926-1935, and 1935-1939. The fragmentary sources of the undertaken research complexity are dispersed, secured in the Polish and foreign archives. In Poland, the reconnoiter of this topic began after the turn of 1989. Almost throughout the entire period under investigation, the Polish supreme State and military authorities assessed that the USSR (until December 30th, 1922, Russia) is the biggest threat to Poland's military security. In March 1939, they reconsidered this assessment focusing on Germany as the main threat to Poland's independence, mistakenly assuming that in the early period of the war, the USSR would remain neutral. The article analyzes, therefore, the Polish assessments of the USSR's sinister actions aimed at undermining the security of the Republic of Poland, and Polish counteractive decisions and safeguarding activities
PL
Stan bezpieczeństwa Polski stanowi pochodną rangi, jaką zarówno w bliskiej, jak i odległej perspektywie, nadają obronności władze państwa. Po zmianie systemu politycznego, bezpieczeństwo kraju uległo radykalnej zmianie. Polska została członkiem NATO i Unii Europejskiej, co wpłynęło na zwiększenie bezpieczeństwa. Celem artykułu jest analiza eksportu uzbrojenia w latach 2013–2018 jako czynnik budowania bezpieczeństwa militarnego. Bezpieczeństwo militarne obejmuje różne działania w obszarze bezpieczeństwa narodowego, w szczególności w zakresie przeciwdziałania zagrożeniom militarnym. W artykule zastosowano następujące metody badawcze: analizę literatury oraz aktów prawnych, analizę danych statystycznych.
EN
The state of security of Poland is a derivative of the rank that both the near and the distant perspective give defense to the state authorities. Poland’s security radically changed after adoption of the new political system. Poland became a member of the NATO and the European Union which enhanced its security. The purpose of the article was to analyze arms exports in 2013–2018 as a factor in building military security. Military security includes various activities in the area of national security, in particular in the field of counteracting military threats. The literature analysis, the legal acts and analysis of statistical data have been applied as methods of the research.
EN
This article touches upon the problem of organizing security space under the conditions of armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2022. According to the understanding of the “security” concept, it is determined that the security space should put a state and its vital interests under protection from any internal and external threats. It is emphasized that in conditions of armed aggression, the central components of the security space should be international (global) security and national security. The main areas of international (global) security should include the development and control of weapons, the fight against international terrorism, the development by the international community of effective mechanisms for countering modern global security challenges (proliferation of mass destruction weapons, namely nuclear weapons). Inclusion of military, state, information and cyber security is proposed as the main areas of national security.
EN
National and international security remains a fascinating area of scientific research. Studies of phenomena and processes in military security suggest that we are witnessing great and intense changes. In their analyses of the modern security environment, both NATO and the EU wish to accommodate the existing conditions. Poland also has been affected by that process. The security policy should be based on the main assumption that Poland is a sovereign security entity, able to define its national interests and strategic objectives autonomously. However, the foundations of our security are assured by membership in the EU and NATO, good relations in the region, a strategic alliance with the USA, and an internal defense mechanism. The needs of the state and the society for national security arise from a dynamic rate of changes in challenges and hazards. The Author intends to combine theory with practice that is implemented in favor of the military security of Poland. First of all, the essence of military security is presented from theoretical and utilitarian viewpoints. The subsequent parts of the paper present research results related to the identification of contemporary challenges and hazards to the military security of Poland. This approach provided an opportunity to outline assumptions of policy and strategy underlying military security in current international security conditions.
EN
The aggressive, imperialistic policy of Russia – expressed inter alia in the armed attack on Georgia in 2008 and the conflict with Ukraine that has lasted since 2014 – made the NATO countries aware of the existence of a real threat from the Kremlin. States bordering the Russian Federation must be especially aware that in the event of a possible armed conflict between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the latter country, they will be the first territories falling victim to a possible Russian attack. Faced with such risk, these countries strive for evening up of the level of military security for all members of the organization. A significant change in security architecture of the Central and Eastern Europe took place in 2017 as a result of practical implementation of two major initiatives increasing the presence of allied troops in the region: the European Reassurance Initiative (ERI) and the Enhanced Forward Presence (EFP). The aim of the present study is to introduce the basic goals and principles of the two above initiatives, as well as the activities undertaken by NATO and the USA in order to fulfill their commitments related thereto. Such activities are a manifestation of NATO’s solidarity, unity and strength, and mark the return of this organization to its original role – which is the collective defense of all member states.
EN
The intensification of the air threat resulting from the emergence of hypersonic weapons in the immediate vicinity of Poland has become a significant challenge for the Polish armed forces, including anti-aircraft defense. The capabilities of the new type of weapon determine not only the need to modernize and acquire systems designed to engage aerial targets, but also the command and control systems that control them. Due to the nature and the limited scope of the article, the deliberations presented in it are generalized results of a research on the scale of the threat posed by hypersonic weapons in the airspace and the need to modernize anti-aircraft defense command and control subsystems, which may be involved in combating them as part of the national air defense system. The presented conclusions also concern the problems of multiplying the current level of automation of the command and control subsystem. This is related to the need for the effectiveness of the military decision-making process as well as uninterrupted and efficient cooperation with the national and allied elements of the air reconnaissance and air defense assets subsystems, including the components of missile defense, which is predestined to engage hypersonic weapons.
EN
The main goal of the research is to identify the key problems related to information security in the armed forces and to classify the most important factors and aspects necessary to increase security. The implemented research methods include a critical analysis of legal acts, organizational and competence documents, literature on the subject. Synthesis and inference were employed to achieve the formulated goals. The main findings indicate that the armed forces' information security system will play an increasingly important role in shaping the security of modern states and should be treated as a priority. The results of the analyzes indicate that in the coming years, the main challenge of modern armies will be to strengthen the offensive and defensive information capabilities of the state. The general findings of this article present the view that information security is a key task for the armed forces to ensure national security. Therefore, it is necessary to revise, clarify and tighten up the procedures in force for the protection of key information processed in the state -especially in the armed forces – which should have adequate capabilities to conduct complex operations in cyberspace. Moreover, the need for a thorough and comprehensive analysis of this topic is confirmed.
EN
Poważne konsekwencje dla bezpieczeństwa energetycznego; zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa przesyłu gazu ziemnego i ograniczenia strat gazu w trakcie transportu ma skala emisji metanu z systemu gazowniczego. Dlatego istotne jest określenie skali tej emisji z poszczególnych elementów infrastruktury. Potwierdzono tezę o znacznym. Współczynnik emisyjności (EF) zależy od wielu innych czynników. Najlepszą metodą obliczenia EF będzie ta, która uwzględnia jak najwięcej zmiennych. Opracowano od strony teoretycznej metodę wyznaczania EF uwzględniającą wiek aparatury oraz ciśnienie, temperaturę i prędkość. Porównując funkcjonujące dotąd w literaturze metody, należy mieć na uwadze, że żadna z nich nie charakteryzuje zmiennych, które wpływają na wielkość współczynnika emisyjności. Aby móc odwzorować rzeczywistą emisję, kluczowe jest posiadanie danych opisujących analizowany element infrastruktury gazowej, wraz z jak najbardziej precyzyjnymi informacjami opisującymi warunki pracy.
PL
The scale of methane emissions from gas distribution systems has serious consequences for energy security, ensuring the security of natural gas transmission and reducing gas losses in transport. That is why it is important to determine the scale of such emissions from individual elements of the infrastructure. It has been confirmed that such emissions have a significant effect on the military security of EU countries. The emission factor (EF) is affected by many other causes. The best method of calculating the EF is one that takes into account the most variables. A theoretical method of determining the EF has been developed, taking into consideration the age of the equipment as well as pressure, temperature and speed. When comparing the methods in the literature to date, one has to bear in mind that none of them describes the variables that affect the magnitude of the EF. To map an actual emission, it is crucial to have data that describe the gas infrastructure component under analysis, along with the most precise information available to characterise the operating conditions.
PL
Wspólnota Europejska/Unia Europejska zrodziła się jako organizacja ekonomiczna, która poprzez pogłębioną współpracę, zwłaszcza handlową, pozwolić miała na szybką odbudowę Starego Kontynentu ze zgliszczy wojennych. Apetyty przywódców państw europejskich rosły jednak w miarę postępujących procesów integracyjnych – sukces ekonomiczny napędzał wolę dalszej pogłębionej integracji państw. Ten stan rzeczy pozwolił wyposażyć organizację w możliwość decydowania i wpływania na decydentów krajowych w kolejnych sferach dotąd wyłącznej aktywności państw. Niemniej na przestrzeni lat państwa unijne zazdrośnie i z wielką determinacją strzegły kompetencji dotyczących szeroko pojmowanego bezpieczeństwa, w tym nade wszystko obronności. Kolejne próby przyspieszenia integracji w tej materii okazywały się nie na tyle skuteczne, by można było mówić o realnej wspólnej polityce obronnej. Jedna z ostatnich inicjatyw – PESCO – ma pomóc odmienić tę sytuację. Konieczne staje się zatem udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytania: Czym ono jest? Jak państwa UE zapatrują się na rozwijanie tej koncepcji współpracy? Jak ta współpraca wygląda na wczesnym etapie jej wdrażania? Jakie wreszcie czynniki determinują zaangażowanie państw „starej” i „nowej” UE? Niniejszy tekst to próba udzielenia odpowiedzi na te właśnie pytania.
EN
The European Economic Community/European Union was born as an economy-oriented organization, which was to facilitate rebuilding of the Old Continent after WWII through extensive cooperation, particularly in trade. However, the appetites of the state leaders were growing along the progress of the integration processes; the economic success was an argument for further integration of the European countries. Due to this, the organization was given the ability to make decisions and influence decision-makers at the national level in subsequent spheres that earlier were the sole prerogative of states. Still, for many years EU members determinedly guarded their competences regarding broadly understood security, predominantly defence. Successive attempts to accelerate integration in this area were not effective enough to develop a real common defence policy. One of the last initiatives, Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), is supposed to help change this situation. It is therefore necessary to pose several questions: What is PESCO? What is EU members’ attitude towards developing this form of cooperation? What does this cooperation look like at the early implementation stages? What factors determine the involvement of the ‘old’ and ‘new’ EU member states? This article is an attempt to answer these questions.
EN
The problems of interaction between the main components of the Security and Defence Sector of Ukraine are considered: security and defence forces, both in peacetime and in wartime. The normative-legal documents defining the tasks and purpose of the Armed Forces are analysed, and their functions are outlined, which are reflected in the new strategic documents. It is shown that the aggravation of the socio-political situation in Ukraine, the intensification of anti-state and separatist movements in the occupied and adjacent territories were the result of information pressure as a special operation and direct Russian intervention in socio-political processes in our country, confrontation with which requires the accumulation of efforts of all components in the Security and Defence Sector. In this context, the threats to Ukraine are seen as hybrid, comprehensive, all-encompassing and such that their scale extends not only to Ukraine but also to the European community as a whole. The tasks of the state military policy on the implementation of the provisions of the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine have been determined.
PL
Rozpatrywane są problemy interakcji pomiędzy głównymi komponentami Sektora Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Ukrainy: siłami bezpieczeństwa i obrony, zarówno w czasie pokoju, jak i wojny. Analizowane są dokumenty normatywno-prawne określające zadania i cel Sił Zbrojnych oraz nakreślone są ich funkcje, które znajdują odzwierciedlenie w nowych dokumentach strategicznych. Wykazano, że pogorszenie sytuacji społeczno-politycznej na Ukrainie, nasilenie ruchów antypaństwowych i separatystycznych na terytoriach okupowanych i przyległych było wynikiem nacisku informacyjnego jako operacji specjalnej i bezpośredniej rosyjskiej interwencji w procesy społeczno-polityczne w naszego kraju, z którym konfrontacja wymaga kumulacji wysiłków wszystkich komponentów w Sektorze Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tym kontekście zagrożenia dla Ukrainy postrzegane są jako hybrydowe, kompleksowe, wszechogarniające i takie, że ich skala rozciąga się nie tylko na Ukrainę, ale także na całą wspólnotę europejską. Określono zadania polityki wojskowej państwa w zakresie realizacji postanowień nowej Strategii Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego Ukrainy.
EN
Artillery and its firepower are still an important element in land tactical activities, which is once again being proven by the current conflict in Eastern Europe. However, two distinct approaches to using its fire capabilities are discernible. One approach views artillery as a precise means of destruction, similar to a sniper with significant firepower and range. The other approach considers artillery fire a weapon of destruction similar to a hammer or a road roller, destroying everything in its path without any selectivity of fire. In the face of such perspectives, the considerations set forth in the following article focus on the former of the presented approaches to using artillery and the determinants that will ensure the implementation of such an approach in the form of the new capabilities of modernized Polish artillery. The presented content results from comparative analyses and observations focused on the needs and effects of artillery use, and factors that are important in its effective operation on the modern battlefield.
PL
Artykuł zawiera prezentację wyników badań przeprowadzonych na potrzeby rozprawy doktorskiej pt. Kreowanie wizerunku Sił Zbrojnych RP jako gwaranta obronności. W pracy zwrócono uwagę na znaczenie i istotę klas wojskowych w tym procesie. W artykule przedstawiono historię klas wojskowych oraz założenia metodyczne badań. Dokonano przeglądu badań dotyczących uczniów klas wojskowych zawartych w literaturze przedmiotu. Przedstawiono wyniki badań własnych obejmujących wpływ nauki w klasach wojskowych na postrzeganie Sił Zbrojnych RP oraz zaprezentowano wnioski i rekomendacje. Problem badawczy niniejszego artykułu stanowiło pytanie: Jak uczniowie klas wojskowych postrzegają obecny wizerunek Sił Zbrojnych RP? Celem pracy była analiza obecnie stosowanych działań kształtujących wizerunek Sił Zbrojnych RP w opinii uczniów klas wojskowych.
EN
The article presents the results of research carried out for the purposes of the doctoral dissertation entitled Creating the image of the Polish Armed Forces as a guarantor of defence capabilities. The work draws attention to the importance and essential meaning of military classes in this process. The article presents the history of military classes and the methodological assumptions of the research. A review of research on students of military classes included in the literature on the subject was conducted. The results of the author’s own research on the impact of education in military classes on the perception of the Polish Armed Forces were presented, as well as conclusions and recommendations. The research problem of this article is the question: How do students of military classes perceive the current image of the Polish Armed Forces? The aim of the study was to analyse the currently employed measures shaping the image of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland in the opinion of the students of military classes.
PL
Współczesny świat niebezpiecznie ewoluuje. Zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa, w tym szczególnie bezpieczeństwa narodowego i bezpieczeństwa państwa, wymaga obligatoryjnego czerpania ze wszystkich zdolności, będących w posiadaniu narodu. Interesującym procesem jest projektowanie systemu obronnego, szczególnie kiedy architekci dbają o potencjał, który jest przygotowany na każdą ewentualność, mianowicie konieczność zaangażowania własnych sił operacyjnych w działania na rzecz bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, jak również o akcje mające na celu zachowanie zdolności obronnych na własnym terytorium. Tę wartość znają dojrzałe kultury strategiczne. Obok, troski o modernizację technologiczną, kultywują również obronny esprit de corps i narodowy etos.
EN
The modern world is dangerously evolving. Ensuring security, especially national security and state security, requires mandatory reliance on all the capabilities that the nation holds. An interesting process is the design of a defense system, especially when architects care about the potential that is prepared for every eventuality, namely the need to involve their own operational forces in international security operations, as well as activities aimed at preserving defense capabilities in their own territory. This value is known by mature strategic cultures. Beside, the concern for technological modernization, they also cultivate the defensive esprit de corps and the national ethos.
PL
Amerykańska psycholog społeczna Shoshana Zuboff w swojej najnowszej książce "The Age of Surveillance Capitalism" nakreśliła kompleksową teorię tłumaczącą przemiany współczesnego kapitalizmu. Nazwała go „kapitalizmem nadzoru”, wskazując na kluczową rolę przemian w zakresie narzędzi kontroli społecznej. Celem niniejszego referatu jest uzupełnienie koncepcji „kapitalizmu nadzoru” o wymiar wpływu opisywanych przez Zuboff procesów na sferę bezpieczeństwa. Rozważona zostanie hipoteza, że tak jak kapitalizm przemysłowy określał warunki brzegowe zimnowojennego wyścigu zbrojeń, tak samo kapitalizm nadzoru Zuboff z koncepcji można interpretować jako koło zamachowe procesu cyfrowego wyścigu zbrojeń.
EN
American social psychologist Shoshana Zuboff describes and presents in her recent book “The Age of Surveillance Capitalism” the theory that explains changes of contemporary capitalism. She calls it “surveillance capitalism” and indicates its crucial role in transformations of social control systems. The aim of this paper is to consider the relationship between “surveillance capitalism” and the global security landscape. We will consider the hypothesis that “surveillance capitalism” is a accelerator of a modern cyber arms race, similar to classic industrial capitalism as in the case of the Cold War arms race.
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