Search results

1

Co jezuita wiedział o Boskich posłańcach? Motywy anielskie w piśmiennictwie Piotra Skargi

100%

Dybek D., Uniwersytet Wrocławski W.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

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2013

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vol. 21

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issue 3

EN

Piotr Skarga is one of the most prominent Polish writers of the 16th century. Today he is mostly regarded as a polemicist, heavily engaged in political matters. However, during his lifetime, he was considered as a religious writer. Lives of the Saints held a significant importance among his work, as well as his sermons (especially appreciated by Catholics, since people of other faiths thought of Skarga as a sworn enemy). In these writings there are a lot of references to the angels (around 500 mentions), although it does not make him an angelologist. His remarks on the angels are in accordance with the Catholic doctrine and decrees of the Council of Trent. Skarga’s favorite motives were: hierarchical structure of existence (man should aim high, to the angels), angelic hierarchy (following Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite), the court of God (with a special role of the courtier angels), the angelic army (with God as its leader, interfering in history, also the history of Poland), singing of the angels (one of the most common themes, coming from the Biblical Apocrypha), the Guardian Angel (belonging to everyman, not only ardent Catholics) and the angelic cult (one of the determinant aspects of Christianity). Although Skarga was very vigilant not to write anything that would not be in accordance with the Catholic teachings, he was using religious motives to reflect upon the politics, for example he regarded divine monarchy as a model for earthly monarchy.

2

Grody jako instytucje władzy w monarchii wczesnopiastowskiej (w źródłach pisanych)

88%

Dąbrowski F.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

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2018

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issue 2 (17)

122-155

EN

Paper summarizes selected source information concerning strongholds as power institutions of Polish monarchy in 10th–12th c. AD: forged foundation diploma for Mogilno Benedic¬tine abbey (with date 1065), papal bullae for Gniezno, Włocławek, Wrocław and Kraków dioceses, and relevant fragments of Gallus Anonymus and Magister Vincentius chronicles. Author considers the power system in the 10th–12th centuries’ Poland as a concise of rela¬tionships between rulers and commoners, based on the legal status of social groups as milites and peasants, and territorial governance located in strongholds (with fiscal, military and supposedly judicial competences).

3

LEGALIZM MONARCHICZNY JAKO ISTOTNY CZYNNIK STABILIZACJI POLITYCZNEJ W ŚWIECIE ARABSKIM

88%

Wróblewski B.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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issue 2(14)

5-14 (10)

EN

The current international situation is characterised by increasing political unrests in the area of the Arab world. In many Middle-Eastern countries there occurred collapse of state structures and many-year civil wars broke out. Political chaos in the Arab world has been increasing for over a dozen years and it seems to be rather a result of structural flaws inherent in the political systems of countries in this region, rather than accidental events. These facts provoke to an attempt at deeper analysis of the circumstances and search for some general features. One of the immediately noticeable features of the situa-tion is that political anarchization concerns Arab republics, whereas monarchies are distinguished by significantly greater internal stability. The reasons for the downfall of republics are internal problems as well as conflicts with western powers. Also in this case one may notice political rowdiness of the republican leaders in Egypt, Iraq and Libya and compare it with more stable and responsible politics of monarchies. Generally pre-modern monarchial legalism in the Arab world turns out to be a more effective political idea than the rule of sovereignty of nations. This is a noteworthy fact, although it is contradictory to western political dogmas.

4

Rola króla w Izraelu w stosunku do ojcostwa Boga i do społeczeństwa w kontekście starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu

88%

Waszak P.

Verbum Vitae

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2011

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vol. 20

43-58

EN

The understanding of the origins, functions and duties of a monarchy in the ancient world was influenced by religious beliefs current at that time. This „theology” fundamentally impinged on the establishment of the concept and the character of „royal paternity” having previously determined the relations between the king himself and the supernatural world. According to biblical sources, at the time when Israel was a monarchy, it is possible to state that there was a specific awareness of the role of the king that consisted in stipulating the covenant between the nation and God. This demanding and charismatic model has been embodied and realised not until the moment when Messiah – the King who perfectly revealed God’s fatherhood

PL

Rozumienie źródła, funkcji i obowiązków monarchii w starożytnym świecie pozostaje pod wpływem wierzeń religijnych tamtych czasów. Ta "teologia" zasadniczo rzutowała na koncpecję i charakter "królewskiego ojcostwa" determinując uprzednio relację między samym królem i światem nadprzyrodzonym. Wg źródeł biblijnych w czasie, gdy Izrael był minarchią, możliwe jest stwierdzenie istnienia specyficznej świadomości o roli króla w przymierzu zawartym między ludem i Bogiem. Ten wymagający i charyzmatyczny model ucieleśni się i zrelaizuje nie wcześniej niż z Mesjaszem-Królem, który w doskonały sposób objawi ojcostwo Boga.

5

Pojęcie tyranii w myśli średniowiecza

75%

Łuszczyńska M.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2014

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vol. 36

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issue 1

7 - 22

EN

The aim of the article is to show different aspects of the problem of tyranny. The issue of worthy and unworthy power is connected with the idea of the right of resistance and the issue of legal and moral aspects of tyrannicide. The article highlights the ideas of common wealth and the relation between the statutory law and the law of nature which were characteristic for the whole medieval thought. It underlines the differences connected with the interpretation of the idea of supremacy and the issue of divine prerogative which the person in power was entitled to. The article analyses the notion of “tyranny,” its different types, especially in the aspect of gaining power (tyranny a titulo and tyranny ab exercitio) and exercising it (“soft” and “hard” tyranny).

6

Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu

75%

Bartyzel J.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2014

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vol. 36

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issue 2

7 - 33

EN

The protagonist of the article is Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola (1917–1978) — philosopher of law and politics, theorist of natural law, professor of Universities of Salamanca, Seville and Madrid, one of the most distinguished exponents of 20th-century Spanish traditionalism, associated with the legitimist monarchist movement known as Carlism (named after Don Carlos de Borbón). The author of the article focuses on the thinker’s attitude to the theory and practice of Francoist dictatorship, aperiod coinciding with the philosopher’s almost entire creative life. That attitude evolved considerably, aprocess in which three stages can be distinguished. In the first and shortest stage, between 1939 and 1941, Elías de Tejada was an enthusiast of the national-syndicalist state and theorist of the caudillaje system of power. In the second stage (1941–1955), starting from a distinction between dictatorship and caudillaje, now equated only with rightful and traditional monarchy, he became aradical and intransigent opponent of General Franco’s personal dictatorship, calling it scornfully “Caudiland” and seeing the authoritarian regime as one of the forms of political modernism and totalitarianism, contrary to the Spanish and Catholic tradition. In the third stage (from 1955 to Franco’s death), while not changing his critical opinion of the regime and its leader, he tended to pursue a“possibilistic cultural policy” within the regime, promoting traditionalistic values and assuming that the dictatorship could evolve into atraditional monarchy.

7

Postać Zygmunta Luksemburskiego w ujęciu Jana Długosza

75%

Iwańczak W.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2015

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vol. 7

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issue 1

102-112

EN

In Polish historiography, the Luxembourg dynasty was never very popular. Sigmund of Luxembourg was considered to be a friend of the Teutonic Knights and thus an enemy of Poland. The article deals with the image of this ruler presented by Jan Długosz, a great Polish historian of the 15th century. He focuses his attention on Sigmund as the king played a key role in Polish history for many years. Długosz does not hesitate to criticise the king, yet he appreciates his diplomatic talent. He presents him as a politician as well as a human being. His portrayal of the Roman and Hungarian Emperor appears to be accurate and true.

8

Where Does Salvation Come From? A Reading of 2 Kings 5:1–27

75%

Ska J. L.

The Biblical Annals

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2023

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vol. 13

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issue 3

385-394

EN

2 Kings 5:1–27 describes the healing of a foreigner, Naaman the Syrian, a high officer of the King of Damascus, by Elisha, a prophet in Israel. Naaman the Syrian suffers from a kind of skin disease called “leprosy” in the Bible. He thinks that, being rich and powerful, he is in possession of the means to get healed. He has to change his mind and his behaviour, though. He is healed when he agrees to listen to an Israelian maidservant, a slave, to the prophet Elisha, and to his own servants. When he bathes in the Jordan, he symbolically enters the Promised Land because he is healed and, at the same time, he acknowledges that Yhwh is the only Lord of the universe.

9

From Masque to Masquerade: Monarchy and Art in Andrew Marvell’s Poems

75%

Łączyńska K.

Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies

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2014

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issue 23/1

115-127

EN

A considerable number of Andrew Marvell’s poems contain reference to various forms of visual arts. Marvell’s use of this type of imagery frequently leads to some type of transformation of a psychological, spiritual, political or social reality, with more or less overt allusions to the Neoplatonic notions of sublimation. However, this predominantly Neoplatonic notion of art, characteristic of Marvell’s earlier lyrics, disappears from his Restoration poems. In the satires, art, instead of idealising and elevating the corporeal, is rather dragged into the sphere of matter, where, together with the objects of the poet’s mockery, it undergoes a carnivalesque deformation. Such a degradation or carnivalisation of art imagery in Marvell’s Restoration satires is not only generically conditioned, but has its roots in the political, social and philosophical legacy of the Republic.

10

Monarchia – archaiczna czy naturalna forma rządów? Przyczynek do analizy historyczno‑antropologicznej

75%

Petryszak K.

Racjonalia. Z punktu widzenia humanistyki

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2015

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vol. 5

PL

The text presents an analysis of history and anthropology. The defended and argued thesis is: the monarchy is a natural human form of government. The data presented from zoology also seem to confirm the stated thesis. The real monarchy has been compiled with the current European monarchies.

11

Teologiczne znaczenie „monarchii” a pojęcie Boga w "De Trinitate" Nowacjana

75%

Sordyl K.

Vox Patrum

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2009

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vol. 53

521-539

EN

The Novatian’s tractate does not use the term, instead, the person of Sabellius takes a prominent place. Hence, in order to better understand Novatian himself, the present study demonstrates how the term was used by such authors as Tertullian, Hippolytus, or the author of the Refutatio. An attempt has also been made to establish the place that monarchy took in Patripassian theology. Novatian does not mention monarchy because his polemic against Patripassianism is in reality a confrontation with Sabellianism, as it was known in Rome in the first half of the third century. Novatian directly opposes Sabellius who, at least during his Roman period, did not use the concept to defend and substantiate his heresy. Patripassianism, such as Novatian came to know in Rome, was indeed Sabellianism. The Roman theologian refers to ideas contained in the term when he defends monotheism (against Gnostics and Marcion) and refutes the charges of ditheism from Patripassians. The author of De Trinitate continues his polemic against Gnostic and Marcionite dualism, when he acts in defense of monotheism and the creative act of God. He refers to the content of the term to rule out the existence of a god superior to the Creator. Divine agenesia guaranties, according to Novatian, that there is no god superior to God the Creator. The Roman author engages in a polemic with the Marcionite concept (the distinction between good and just God). He presents interrelationship between the goodness of God and creation. Evil originates in the free will of man, and is not connected with matter or attributed to God in His creative act. In order to refute Gnostic dualism, Novatian refers to the content of monarchy. In the same way he substantiates the immutability of God. In his view, the fundamental source of God’s immutability is His agenesia. Refuting the concept of eternal matter, not created by and independent from God, the Roman theologian once again uses the content of the term. In De Trinitate Novatian continues the line of thinking of these authors who developed the concept of monarchy. Novatian quotes Rom 11:36, which text is usually interpreted in the Trinitarian sense. The Roman author uses it to write about creative mediation of the Word. The Roman theologian also quotes biblical evidence for the divinity of Christ in his polemic with Adoptianists and Patripassians: Jn 1:1 (the key text of the theology of the Logos); Jn 1:14 (most frequently quoted text in De Trinitate) and Rom 9:5. Novatian points out that Scripture does not contradict itself, presenting both unity and diversity between the Divine persons.

12

Perspektywy Kanady i Australii w kontekście ich przynależności do Commonwealth

71%

Woźniak M.

Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM

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2019

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issue 19-20

201-219

EN

The number of states with the monarchy system is decreasing today. Currently, there are about 50 of them in the world, including the 16 Commonwealth Realms. Canada and Australia are the countries with the longest Commonwealth Realm status and belong to the Commonwealth of Nations, an international organization associating 53 member states. Currently, Queen Elizabeth II is the sovereign of both countries and she will probably be succeeded by her eldest son, Prince Charles. Due to the fact that the monarch lives in the UK on a daily basis, her duties are performed by the governor general. The purpose of this article is a comparative analysis of Canada and Australia, aiming at presenting the moods prevailing in these countries in the context of a possible change of the state system from a monarchy to a republic.

PL

Kanada i Australia są państwami wspólnotowymi Wielkiej Brytanii, a co za tym idzie, łączy je osoba monarchy, która sprawuje władzę w państwie. W artykule ukazane zostały opinie panujące wśród społeczeństwa Kanady i Australii na temat monarchii, rodziny królewskiej oraz zmiany głowy rządzącej. Przedstawiono konkretne argumenty republikanów z obydwóch państw, jak również sympatie obywateli do poszczególnych członków brytyjskiej rodziny królewskiej. W obydwóch państwach występuje spory ruch antymonarchistyczny, który może się pogłębić po śmierci królowej Elżbiety II i objęciu tronu przez księcia Karola.

13

Microstate and monarchy in the face of the challenges of the modern world. The political system of Liechtenstein and its specificity (an outline of the problem)1

71%

Łukaszewski M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2015

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issue 3

93-102

PL

Przedmiotem artykułu jest próba analizy funkcjonowania systemu politycznego mikropaństwa i monarchii w warunkach współczesnych procesów integracyjnych i globalizacyjnych, z którymi mamy do czynienia w Europie. Autor podejmuje próbę zanalizowania funkcjonowania państwa opierając się na wywiadzie z głównym aktorem politycznym Księstwa – księciem Alojzym, który od 2004 roku, na mocy art. 13bis Konstytucji Księstwa, wypełnia obowiązki głowy państwa. Autor stara się też zwrócić uwagę na specyficzne cechy systemu politycznego tego państwa.

EN

The p is an attempt to analyse the functioning of the political system of monarchy and microstate in the conditions of modern processes of integration and globalisation with which we are dealing in Europe. The author attempts to analyse the functioning of the state based on an interview with the main political actor of the Duchy - HSH Alois, who since 2004, under Article 13 bis of the Constitution of the Principality, fulfils the duties of head of state. The author is also tries to draw attention to the specific features of the political system of Liechtenstein.

14

Republika czy kryptomonarchia? Pozycja ustrojowa głowy państwa w systemie rządów Samoa

63%

Eska-Mikołajewska J.

Prawo i Polityka

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2019

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issue 9

63-86

EN

The author analyses the political position of the head of state of Samoa. Referring the Samoan system of government to the other eleven sovereign states of the South Pacific, it should be considered as an exception as the one which has not been clearly defined yet. Samoa has a mixed system of government that combines elements derived from the Westminster tradition with the native system of political and social organisation serving as the foundation for a local government. The presentation of the head of state in Samoa was done in the light of constitutional provisions along with an indication of the mechanisms determining the position of this office in political practice. The presentation of the above issues required an institutional and legal analysis as well as a critical analysis and a descriptive method. This analysis allowed to indicate that in the evolutionary process of constitutional development, some elements that may have so far moved towards recognising this microstate as a constitutional monarchy have been redefined. The introduction of republican methods of exercising executive authority supports calling the head of state of Samoa president.

15

The Jordanian Issue of National Self-Identification – the Perspective of the Jordanian National Charter and Basic Laws from 1923 and 1947

63%

Wróblewski B.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2023

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issue 4(74)

299-309

PL

Jordania jest państwem arabskim, które rozpoczęło egzystencję w 1921 r. jako Emirat Transjordanii. Jego powstanie wynikało z gry politycznej między Brytyjczykami a księciem Abd Allahem z rodu Haszymidów. Jedynym uzasadnieniem odrębnej państwowości ze stolicą w Ammanie były rządy rodu Haszymidów na tym obszarze. W 1991 r. w czasie demokratyzacji ustroju królestwa proklamowano Jordańską Kartę Narodową. Dokument ten podsumowywał poglądy i postulaty społeczeństwa jordańskiego. Analiza wybranych fragmentów Karty wskazuje na całkowitą przewagę myślenia panarabskiego wśród twórców tego tekstu. Należy też stwierdzić słabość identyfikacji jordańskiej pomimo dziesiątków lat istnienia państwa. Artykuł wskazuje na powyższe zależności oraz na fakt, że rządy dynastii pozostają w Jordanii głównym czynnikiem odrębności.

EN

Jordan is an Arab state that commenced its existence in 1921 as the Emirate of Transjordan. Its establishment resulted from a political game between the British and prince Abdullah from the House of Hashemite. The only justification for a separate state with the capital in Amman was the reign of the Hashemites in this area. In 1991, during democratization of the kingdom’s political system, the Jordanian National Charter was proclaimed. This document summarized the postulates and opinions of the Jordanian society. The analysis of selected passages from the Charter indicates complete dominance of pan-Arab thought among the authors of the text. It is also necessary to indicate frailty of Jordanian identity, despite several decades of the state’s existence. The article indicates the abovementioned dependencies and the fact that the dynasty authority remains the primary aspect of distinctiveness.

16

Genealogia pokolenia Judy w 1Krn 2,3 – 4,23 i jej wpływ na teologiczne przesłanie 1-2Krn

63%

Tułodziecki T.

Collectanea Theologica

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2019

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vol. 89

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issue 4

117-138

EN

Judah as a geographical area and a country inhabited by people hasalways been exceptional and extraordinary. The oldest historical sourcepoints to an independent socio-political entity, connected loosely to thewhole of Israel. This independence and self-sufficiency was the mainstayof existence for this exceptional generation in the history of the chosennation. The reason for the uniqueness of Judah in the history of Israel shouldbe traced back to prehistory that points to the vicinity and influenceof Egypt, which contributed to its independence and self-sufficiency. Thetime when this self-sufficiency was particularly tested is connected withJudah’s relative autonomy and self-rule under Persian supremacy after 538BC. There is the time of the author’s creative activity 1–2 Chr, whose wholework is devoted to the New Israel, which stands for the newly-shaped Judeancountry under the supervision of Persian imperators. Judah in the booksof 1–2 Chr is the heir of all the most crucial promises Yahweh had madeto Judah’s ancestors. David, the king, and his successors are the guardiansof Yahweh’s promises. Torah assigns the first forms of cult and liturgicalholiness to Moses. Nevertheless, the only role model of holiness accordingto 1–2 Chr is Jesse’s son, whom we can undoubtedly call the second Moses.The members of David’s dynasty are held as the only legitimate sovereignsof Israel who rule the country, sitting on the throne of Yahweh Himself:1 Chr 17,14; 28,5; 29,23; 2 Chr 9,8; 13,8. It would be the home of all the twelvetribes of Israel in which, despite the conflicts, friction, or political obstacles,all are the heirs of Yahweh’s promises in brotherhood. This idea manifestsitself in the whole work from the detailed description of Judah’s genealogyto its final verses.

17

Haszymidzkie Królestwo Jordanii w konfrontacji z ideologią panarabską (1946-1999). Z badań nad stabilnością polityczną monarchii arabskich

63%

Wróblewski B.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2022

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vol. 20

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issue 4

381-391

EN

Since early 1950s military coups were a frequent phenomenon in the Arab world. In consequence of that a lot of monarchies fell and they were replaced with republics. In fact, however, the politics became dominated by violence and the regimes quickly became oppressive dictatorships. The new governments made use of the pan-Arab ideology to legitimize their authority (which aimed at uniting Arabs from Morocco to Iraq). The small Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan became an important place of confrontation between the pan-Arab ideology and the monarchy, with its traditional legitimization of power. Since approximately 1948 until 1990s there was competition between parties and political movements opting for pan-Arabism or the court of the Hashemite. This resulted in severe political crises in 1956-1957, 1966 and 1991. The consequence of that was also the civil war of 1970. The Jordan monarchy succeeded in overcoming these crises and emerged victorious from the ideological struggle. The current monarchy maintained complete authority and recognition, while pan-Arabism underwent marginalization

PL

W świecie arabskim od początku lat pięćdziesiątych XX wieku częstym zjawiskiem stały się wojskowe zamachy stanu. W ich wyniku upadło wiele monarchii arabskich, a zastąpiły je republiki. Jednak de facto politykę zdominowała przemoc a reżimy te szybko stały się opresyjnymi dyktaturami. Nowe rządy jako legitymizacji władzy użyły ideologii panarabskiej (przewidującej zjednoczenia Arabów od Maroka aż po Irak). Niewielkie Haszymidzkie Królestwo Jordanii stało się ważnym miejscem konfrontacji między panarabską ideologią a monarchią, która posiadała tradycyjną legitymizację władzy. Od około 1948 roku aż do lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku trwała rywalizacja partii i ruchów politycznych wyznających panarabizm z dworem Haszymidów. Zaowocowała ona ostrymi kryzysami politycznymi w latach 1956–1957, 1966 i 1991. Jej wynikiem była też wojna domowa w 1970 roku. Monarchii jordańskiej udało się, ku zaskoczeniu wielu obserwatorów, przezwyciężyć te kryzysy i wyjść zwycięsko z ideologicznego sporu. Obecnie monarchia zachowała pełnię władzy i prestiżu, tymczasem panarabizm uległ wyraźnej marginalizacji.

18

ORGANIZACJA MONARCHISTÓW POLSKICH – IDEA I HISTORIA

63%

Korzondkowski P.

Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Finansów i Prawa w Bielsku-Białej

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2015

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issue 3

193-216

PL

Ruch monarchistyczny w Polsce nie jest zbyt popularny, rzadko można usłyszeć o działalności monarchistów, ich postulatach i poglądach. w tym artykule podjęto się próby przedstawienia idei i historii Organizacji Monarchistów Polskich, polskiego stowarzyszenia obecnego w przestrzeni publicznej od 1989 roku. w pierwszym rozdziale opisano początki działalności tej organizacji, następnie omówiono trzy konstytuujące ją idee: tradycjonalizm katolicki, legitymizm i wolny rynek. Te trzy idee tworzą swego rodzaju „ideową triadę”, której przyjęcie wymagane jest od każdego, kto pragnie wstąpić do stowarzyszenia. w ostatnim rozdziale omówiono najważniejsze wydarzenia z ostatnich lat działalności Organizacji Monarchistów Polskich.

EN

Monarchist movements are not overly popular in Poland, one can rarely hear about activities of the monarchists, their postulates and views. This paper makes an attempt to depict the ideals and history of the Organization of Polish Monarchists; a Polish association which has been present in the public space since 1989. The first part of the paper describes the early stages of this organization’s activities, the next part contains a review of the three basic ideals underlying the Polish Monarchist Movement: catholic traditionalism, legitimism and the free market. Those three ideals create a certain “ideological triad”, the acceptance of which is a pre-requisite for everyone wishing to join the association. The last part lists the most important events and undertakings of the Organization of Polish Monarchists that took place in recent years.

19

Pługiem i purpurą albo Polska Ludowa jako monarchia

63%

Kuligowski P.

Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk

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2014

|

issue 4

141-145

PL

Artykuł dotyczy monarchistycznych koncepcji Polski Ludowej. O Polsce Ludowej na polskiej lewicy i centrolewicy pisano i dyskutowano przynajmniej od 1905 r., a koncepcje monarchistyczne były niszowe wśród jej wyobrażeń. Pojawiły się one jedynie w programie Związku Młodej Polski Ludowej w 1907 r. oraz w analogicznym dokumencie Zjednoczenia Ludowego z 1917 r. Pierwszy z tych tekstów jest bardziej socjalny w sferze społecznej, drugi – nieco bardziej zachowawczy. Oba są jednak świadectwem chłopskiego przywiązania do instytucji monarchii, które zniknęło ostatecznie w okresie międzywojennym.

EN

The article is about monarchist conceptions of People’s Poland. Polish left-wing and center-left were writing and were discussing a People’s Poland since at least 1905, but conceptions of monarchy were niche ideas. They ocurred only in the program of the Association of Young People’s Poland in 1907 and in an analogical document of the Union of People from 1917. The First text is more welfare in social things, the second – little more conservative. However both are the proof, that peasants were attached to monarchy. This attachment disappeared in the interwar period.

20

Политические перспективы конституционного развития форм правления славянских государств в XXI века

63%

Серегин А. В.

Studia Politologiczne

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2014

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vol. 33

162-179

RU

Статья посвящена поиску оптимальной модели организации верховной власти славянских государств в XXI веке. Автор приходит к выводу, что форма правления в современных славянских государствах преимущественно представлена смешанной республикой, тяготеющей к усилению политической роли президента. В России этот процесс фактически привёл к установлению квазимонархической системы верховной власти. Кроме того, среди славянских государств наметилась тенденция к интеграции. В рамках данных процессов модель коллегиальной республики могла бы стать прообразом будущего конфедеративного союза славянских общин, народов и государств.

EN

The article is devoted to the optimal model search of the supreme power organization of the Slavic states in the XXI century. The author comes to the conclusion that the government form in the modern Slavic states mainly is represented in the mixed republic which gravitates towards the intensification of the president’s political role. In Russia this process actually leaded to the establishment of the supreme power pseudo-monarchical system. Besides the tendency to the integration outlined among the Slavic states. Within the framework of the present processes the model of the collegial republic may be to become the prototype of the future confederative union of the Slavic communities, the peoples and states.

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