Search results - CEJSH

1

An Axiomatic Approach to the General Theory of Compounds

100%

Stroński K., Machowski S.

Lingua Posnaniensis

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2011

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vol. 53

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issue 2

101-122

EN

The aim of this article is to provide a logical reconstruction of the general theory of compounding. The theory formulated here is partly based on the axiomatic approach to general morphology presented in Bańczerowski (1997) and it can be conceived of as its continuation.

2

Productivity vs. Lexicalization: Frequency-Based Hypotheses on Word-Formation

80%

Fernández-Domínguez J.

Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics

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2010

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vol. 46

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issue 2

193-219

EN

This article looks at morphological productivity and lexicalization. Productivity, first, bears a significant relationship with frequency because both seem to be subtly interlinked through low-frequency items. Much the same happens between lexicalization and frequency, although their association must be seen from a different angle because lexicalized words tend to have greater frequencies than non-lexicalized words. The novelty of this paper is that it provides a link between the above two notions and corpus-based frequency figures, and then operates a formula (π) on two sets of units, some lexicalized, some synchronically analysable. The two subcorpora confirm a correct function of π to tell between words which tend to be used by means of word-formation vs. words which already exist in the individual's lexicon.

3

Why Clipped Forms Should Be Accepted As Nouns

80%

Hamans C.

Lingua Posnaniensis

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2008

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vol. 50

95-109

EN

This paper is about the status of clipped forms. It turns out clipping rules are not completely regular, but the resulting forms must show a transparent relation to the source word, where transparency includes semantic recoverability and phonological resemblance. Furthermore clipped forms have a special stylistic or pragmatic character when compared to the original form. However, the most important conclusion is that clipped forms should not be considered as an arbitrary part of the original word form and therefore seen as having no independent grammatical status, but should be described as nouns in their own right. Arguments for this conclusion come from blend formation. Also Zabrocki’s theory of diacrisis is used to describe the phenomena under discussion.

4

On inadequacies in transferring concepts from one to another (linguistic sub)discipline

80%

Dressler W. U.

Yearbook of the Poznań Linguistic Meeting

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2016

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vol. 2

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issue 1

EN

The paper discusses several methodological problems in the necessary (mostly metaphorical) transfer of concepts from one discipline (or subdiscipline) into another one, especially when interdisciplinary research demands mutual understanding in terms of translation and correspondence of concepts. After differentiating between multidisciplinarity, interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity, the first is rejected and it is pleaded that the second and third should be combined. Several adequate and inadequate transfers of concepts into linguistics are dealt with, especially in the areas of morphology and language acquisition. Successful transfer is characterised by the formal transfer of new terms and their easy adaptation to already existing linguistic conceptions, especially between subdisciplines. Most often, further important differentiations of a concept cannot be transferred from the original discipline but must be added as enrichments within linguistics itself. This may lead to a split-up of concepts in different subdisciplines of linguistics. The concepts discussed are regression, self-organization, complexity, transparency vs. opacity, figure and ground, top-down processing, default, input, grammaticalisation.

5

LatMor: A Latin Finite-State Morphology Encoding Vowel Quantity

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Springmann U., Schmid H., Najock D.

Open Linguistics

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2016

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vol. 2

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issue 1

EN

We present the first large-coverage finite-state open-source morphology for Latin (called LatMor) which parses as well as generates vowel quantity information. LatMor is based on the Berlin Latin Lexicon comprising about 70,000 lemmata of classical Latin compiled by the group of Dietmar Najock in theirwork on concordances of Latin authors (see Rapsch and Najock, 1991) which was recently updated by us. Compared to the well-known Morpheus system of Crane (1991, 1998), which is written in the C programming language, based on 50,000 lemmata of Lewis and Short (1907), not well documented and therefore not easily extended, our new morphology has a larger vocabulary, is about 60 to 1200 times faster and is built in the form of finite-state transducers which can analyze as well as generate wordforms and represent the state-of-the-art implementation method in computational morphology. The current coverage of LatMor is evaluated against Morpheus and other existing systems (some of which are not openly accessible), and is shown to rank first among all systems together with the Pisa LEMLAT morphology (not yet openly accessible). Recall has been analyzed taking the Latin Dependency Treebank¹ as gold data and the remaining defect classes have been identified. LatMor is available under an open source licence to allow its wide usage by all interested parties.

6

Part of Speech Tagging for Ancient Greek

80%

Celano G. G. A., Crane G., Majidi S.

Open Linguistics

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2016

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vol. 2

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issue 1

EN

In this article we report the results for five POS taggers, i.e., the Mate tagger, the Hunpos tagger, RFTagger, theOpenNLP tagger, andNLTKUnigramtagger, tested on the data of the Ancient Greek Dependency Treebank. This is done in order to find the most efficient POS tagger to use for pre-annotation of new treebank data. A corrected 1-run 10-fold cross validation t test shows that the Mate tagger outperforms all the other taggers, with an accuracy score of 88%.

7

On the Nature of the Accusative in Finnish

80%

Bielecki R.

Lingua Posnaniensis

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2009

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vol. 51

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issue 1

19-38

EN

Modern Finnish grammars display a clear tendency to eliminate the category of the accusative entirely, or to limit it only to manifestations which are heterophonic from manifestations of other cases (the nominative and genitive). However, in older grammars (from the first half of the 20th century), the accusative was considered a proper full member of the inventory of Finnish cases. The present paper can be seen as a defense of the former approach to the accusative, because the author believes that the new approach exposes only the paradigmatical aspect of this part of the Finnish language, concealing the syntagmatic aspect. By means of syntagmatic comparison, different types of grammatical neutralizations are brought into view. One of them is especially instructive for the case in question, because it reveals specific properties not only of the accusative, but also of the category of voice in Finnish.

8

An application of graph theory to linguistic complexity

80%

Piperski A.

Yearbook of the Poznań Linguistic Meeting

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2014

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vol. 1

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issue 1

EN

This article introduces a new measure of linguistic complexity which is based on the dual nature of the linguistic sign. Complexity is analyzed as consisting of three components, namely the conceptual complexity (complexity of the signified), the formal complexity (complexity of the signifier) and the form-meaning correspondence complexity. I describe a way of plotting the form-meaning relationship on a graph with two tiers (the form tier and the meaning tier) and apply a complexity measure from graph theory (average vertex degree) to assess the complexity of such graphs. The proposed method is illustrated by estimating the complexity of full noun phrases (determiner + adjective + noun) in English, Swedish, and German. I also mention the limitations and the problems which might arise when using this method.

9

Does the Genitive Operate in the Hungarian Case System?: II. The Ø-/nak-/nek-Genitive

80%

Bielecki R.

Lingua Posnaniensis

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2011

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vol. 53

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issue 1

25-40

EN

The present paper should be regarded as a direct continuation of the article Does the Genitive Operate in the Hungarian Case System? I. The é-Genitive. The core of the adopted approach represents the standpoint that present-day Hungarian cannot be conceived as a language exempt from any case syncretism. The possibility of distinguishing different case categories relevant for this language by referring only to the form of their markers (endings) is illusory. What is more, it creates a space where some phenomena remain imperceptible. The postulated attributive genitive category can be distinguished not only on the basis of its syntactic properties. The manifestations of this case also differ substantially from the manifestations of other recognized cases. It is difficult to regard the attributive genitive in Hungarian as syncretic with nominative or dative in the sense known in general linguistics, because the appropriate markers turn out to be insufficient in semifying (marking grammatically) the required meaning. They must be complemented by other markers attached to the head of the attributive syntagm (a diák/Ø könyv/e, a diák/nak a könyv/e ‘the student's book’). The properties of the distribution of the Hungarian attributive genitive with its two main manifestations (the endingless one: a diák könyve, and with ending: a diáknak a könyve) can be regarded as a contribution to the general theory of syntax; the genitive attributes of different grades are marked there substantially (a diák/Ø (III) könyv/e (II) cím/é/nek (I) a fordítás/a ‘the translation of the title (I) of the book (II) of the student (III)’) and not only by their linear order as in many Indo-European and Finno-Ugric languages. When the word fulfilling the attributive function belongs to the category of personal pronoun, concord can be identified between it and its head in person and number (az én könyv/em ‘my book, the book of mine’). The factual elision of personal pronouns resulting from their redundancy in this context gives no grounds to state that morphemes like -em in a könyv/em do not fulfil any syntagmatic function. Such an utterance constitutes a discrepancy with the analogous behaviour of personal pronouns in relation to finite verbal forms (olvas/ok ‘I read’ → olvas/ok ‘(I) read’) where no-one speaks of the irrelevancy of the personal endings in reference to their syntagmatic function. The necessity of distinguishing of socalled "marks" (here "possessor marks") is being questioned here; those morphemes are not deprived of fulfilling the syntagmatic function ascribed traditionally to the case endings in the case of nominal flexion. They are regarded here as parts of the discontinuative (genitive) case markers. The specific features of the Hungarian genitive include its sharp division into two subcategories: (i) the é-genitive and (ii) the Ø-/nak-/nek-genitive. Their complementary distribution, together with other discussed properties, additionally corroborates the relevance of distinguishing for them a common upper morphosyntactic category called the genitive case. And finally, Hungarian turns out to be a language where the accumulation of multiple case meanings, all being manifested substantially within the boundaries of one word, can be attested (a diák/om/é/é/t ‘the one of the one of my student’).

10

Does the Genitive Operate in the Hungarian Case System?: I. Theé-Genitive

80%

Bielecki R.

Lingua Posnaniensis

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2010

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vol. 52

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issue 2

7-25

EN

After three centuries of discussion concerning the genitive case in Hungarian, the authors of the latest academic grammars - in contrast to many of their predecessors - no longer distinguish this casal category. Different cases in Hungarian should, according to them, be distinguished only on the basis of their forms (endings). Such an extreme unilateral approach to this category seems to have simplified at first sight the description of the Hungarian language, erasing from it any case syncretism. From the point of the view defended in the present paper, however, talking about linguistic entities without taking into account their meaning is illusory; even in the case of meaningless speech segments such as phonemes it is the meaning of the segments in which they occur that constitutes the ultimate instance allowing them to be distinguished at all. The same applies to case. The moderate approach to the category of case adopted here, taking simultaneously into account its (i) morphological, (ii) semantic and (iii) syntactic properties, leads irrevocably to the restoration of the genitive in the description of the Hungarian language. As a specific feature of this language one should consider the sharp distinction between two subclasses of the genitive case: (i) the non-attributive (é-genitive) and (ii) the attributive genitive (Ø-/nak-/nek-genitive). Only the first of these (the é-genitive) will be discussed in detail. The second (the Ø-/nak-/nek-genitive) will be the subject of a continuation of the present paper. Recognition of the é-genitive seems to have been blocked by those of its properties which seem to be quite incongruous with those of other Hungarian cases. It is claimed, for example, that the marker -é - unlike the markers of other cases - seems not to express any syntagmatic function. This function is expressed by the case marker attached after the morpheme -é (A diákét (láttam) '(I saw) The student's one'). In the view of the author, however, the lack of syntagmatic function in the case of the morpheme -é is not so obvious. On the other hand, such "discrediting" properties for a case marker candidate, as the property of not occupying the final morphotactical position (diákét), can be viewed as entirely irrelevant for the category of case. The adopted approach seems to make possible a description of this fragment of the Hungarian case system from a more homogenous perspective, showing the interplay of different casal meanings within the boundaries of one word.

11

Romana Laskowskiego koncepcja opisu kategorii rodzaju w języku polskim

80%

Bobrowski I.

LingVaria : Półrocznik Wydziału Polonistyki UJ poświęcony zagadnieniom języka i językoznawstwa

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2015

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issue Numer Specjalny

27-35

EN

Probably the most elaborate intellectual construct in Roman Laskowski’s morphology is his schematic presentation of the bridgeheads linking grammatical gender in Polish nouns to verbs, adjectives, and numerals. Although it occupies just two pages of print, to complete this study Laskowski had to analyze thousands of syntactic diagnostic contexts. The present paper tries to recall and comment on Laskowski’s original concept of grammatical gender in Polish.

12

Slawistyka polska w minionym sześćdziesięcioleciu. Synchroniczne prace językoznawcze z zakresu morfologii i składni

80%

Korytkowska M.

Rocznik Slawistyczny

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2013

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vol. 62

39-54

EN

This article presents a concise overview of the achievements of synchronic research in the field Slavic linguistics carried out in Poland. Due to an enormous range of research topics, the author had to narrow her attention to selected grammatical phenomena, namely morphology (excluding word formation) and syntax, as well as to limit the scope of the analysis to books and monographs, to the exclusion of publications of a different nature. On the basis of selected subfields in linguistics, the author describes some general trends and tendencies concerning both the choice of a theoretical framework as well as the subject matter. She distinguishes among three periods for which she seeks to determine the dominant features. The analysis shows that during the last 60 years, and especially since the 1970s, Slavic linguistics has seen a steady growth and a search for new solutions in the field of grammar research. The growth is accompanied by an ever-increasing potential for contact with the trends occurring in global linguistics. However, one should not underestimate the achievements of Polish theoretical linguists, slavicists and specialists in Polish Studies, whose research findings encompass a detailed description of a wide range of linguistic issues and cover considerable language data.

13

Deprefiksacja czasownikowa w języku litewskim

80%

Ostrowski N. I.

Acta Baltico-Slavica

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2014

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vol. 38

EN

Back-formation in the history of the Lithuanian prefixal verbsThis paper discusses the development of several Lithuanian prefixal verbs (su-bradžióti ‘to do a wrong thing’, iš-skìlti ‘to strike spark’, at-vérti / už-vérti ‘to open / to close’, iš-réikšti ‘to express’, ap-àkti ‘to go blind’) and their relation to simplex forms (bradžióti ‘wade; do a wrong thing’, skìlti ‘to strike spark’, vérti ‘to thread; to prick; to open; to close’, réikšti ‘to express, to mean’, àkti ‘to go blind’). What these forms have in common is deprefixation, a kind of retrograde derivation exemplified by subradžióti → bradžióti. Deprefiksacja czasownikowa w języku litewskimArtykuł omawia rozwój kilku czasowników prefigowanych w języku litewskim (su-bradžióti ‘czynić źle’, iš-skìlti ‘rozpalać ogień’, at-vérti / už-vérti ‘otwierać / zamykać’, iš-réikšti ‘wyrażać coś, znaczyć’, ap-àkti ‘oślepnąć’) oraz ich stosunek do form nieprefigowanych (bradžióti ‘brodzić; postępować źle’, skìlti ‘rozpalać ogień’, vérti ‘nawlekać; przebijać; otwierać; zamykać’, réikšti ‘wyrażać; mieć znaczenie’, àkti ‘ślepnąć’). Cechą wspólną omawianej grupy jest deprefiksacja, rodzaj derywacji wstecznej ilustrowanej przez parę su-bradžióti → bradžióti. W jej wyniku czasownik nieprefigowany rozszerza swój zasób znaczeń o nowe pojęcie, pierwotnie ograniczone tylko do czasownika przedrostkowego.

14

Deprefiksacja czasownikowa w języku litewskim

80%

Ostrowski N. I.

Acta Baltico-Slavica

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2014

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vol. 38

172-181

EN

This paper discusses the development of several Lithuanian prefixal verbs (su-bradžióti ‘to do a wrong thing’, iš-skìlti ‘to strike spark’, at-vérti / už-vérti ‘to open / to close’, iš-réikšti ‘to express’, ap-àkti ‘to go blind’) and their relation to simplex forms (bradžióti ‘wade; do a wrong thing’, skìlti ‘to strike spark’, vérti ‘to thread; to prick; to open; to close’, réikšti ‘to express, to mean’, àkti ‘to go blind’). What these forms have in common is deprefixation, a kind of retrograde derivation exemplified by subradžióti → bradžióti.

PL

Artykuł omawia rozwój kilku czasowników prefigowanych w języku litewskim (su-bradžióti ‘czynić źle’, iš-skìlti ‘rozpalać ogień’, at-vérti / už-vérti ‘otwierać / zamykać’, iš-réikšti ‘wyrażać coś, znaczyć’, ap-àkti ‘oślepnąć’) oraz ich stosunek do form nieprefigowanych (bradžióti ‘brodzić; postępować źle’, skìlti ‘rozpalać ogień’, vérti ‘nawlekać; przebijać; otwierać; zamykać’, réikšti ‘wyrażać; mieć znaczenie’, àkti ‘ślepnąć’). Cechą wspólną omawianej grupy jest deprefiksacja, rodzaj derywacji wstecznej ilustrowanej przez parę su-bradžióti → bradžióti. W jej wyniku czasownik nieprefigowany rozszerza swój zasób znaczeń o nowe pojęcie, pierwotnie ograniczone tylko do czasownika przedrostkowego.

15

Analyse morphologique automatique du tchèque, mais où est le dictionnaire ?

70%

Pognan P.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

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2020

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vol. 9

155-169

EN

Presented here is a system for an automatic analysis of Czech morphology mainly based on pattern recognition of linguistic forms according to the linguistic Prague school’s paradigm “form – value.” Taking into account the text and the context allows for the processing of “big data.” This system is based on the concept of calculability. Czech has a very high degree of calculability thanks to a very favorable phonological evolution. Furthermore, the correspondence between what is said and what is written is exact. The experience drawn from this work made it possible to design a grammar course taught for several decades to the satisfaction of the learners. However, the feasibility of this analysis would be demonstrated at best by making entries to a Czech general dictionary.

16

A manutenção da perspetiva clássica sobre a linguagem como empecilho para os estudos morfológicos

70%

Borges Neto J.

Studia Iberystyczne

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2014

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vol. 13

273-286

EN

We see, in linguistics, the predominance of Greco‑Latin tradition on language studies. The scientists, prisoners to the tradition, cannot see the language from other perspectives. Using two examples in the morphology of the attitude of the linguists (the distinction inflection/derivation and the word classes), we intend to characterize two processes in linguistic research that has prevented the development of morphological studies: the naturalization of grammar and its use as “protocol sentence”.

17

Diccionario de Catalina la Grande (1787-1789). Análisis del material español

70%

Stala E.

Studia Iberystyczne

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2011

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vol. 10

151-163

EN

This article presents the Spanish material from an unknown 19th century dictionary published in S. Petersburg by P.S. Pallas. After a brief biographical note, followed by the presentation of the lexicographic material, its analysis in terms of its transliteration, phonetics, morphology and lexical features is presented. As usual, it turns out that the study of any unknown material reveals new linguistic surprises and is an infallible way to increase the knowledge, even to a limited extent, of the history of any language. Keywords: historical lexicography, language history, phonetics, m

18

Transitivity Alternations in North Sámi

70%

Julien M.

Open Linguistics

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2016

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vol. 2

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issue 1

EN

In North Sámi, verbs that form transitivity alternation pairs are always distinguished morphologically. However, even if morphology is seen as a reflex of the syntax, the syntactic structure underlying transitive and intransitive verbs in North Sámi cannot be directly read off from the morphology. Since the verbalisers have vocalic phonological realisations with some roots but consonantal realisations with others, and since consonantal realisations give the verb an additional syllable, one can get the impression that in some transitivity alternation pairs the transitive verb is derived from the intransitive verb, whereas in other pairs it is the other way round, and that in still other pairs both verbs are derived from a common base. On closer inspection it nevertheless appears that while in some cases the transitive verb is actually formed from the intransitive verb by causativisation, in other cases the transitive verb differs from its intransitive counterpart only in involving a Voice head. In addition, the language has a type of intransitive verb that are marked anticausatives, meaning that they have an expletive Voice head. The main difference between these verbs and the corresponding transitive verbs is the properties of Voice.

19

O potrzebie, a nawet konieczności uwzględnienia infiksów w opisie polskiej fleksji werbalnej

70%

Perlin J.

Linguistica Copernicana

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2013

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issue 1(9)

203-213

EN

The aim of this paper is to present proof that infixes, being markers of the perspective aspect, exist in Polish verbal inflection. At the same time, it is demonstrated that some Polish, and more generally, Slavic affixes, constitute better examples of infixes than those that have been appearing in coursebooks and encyclopaedias of general linguistics so far. Moreover, it is suggested that there is a possibility of t includin infixes in descriptions of inflections of certain Germanic languages.

20

On the most recent edition of an important study of the Bulgarian language

70%

Rocznik Slawistyczny

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2019

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issue LXVIII

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