According to the concept of the cultural nation formulated by J. G. Herder in the 18th the nationality of the person is determined by the language used. In the nineteenth century, there emerges a concept of a political nation formed during the Great French Revolution. All the citizens of the state create a nation. Both concepts have merged into an idea of a nation state. The Prussian nation state marginalized the border cultural communities such as peripheral Prussian Masurians living in the south-eastern area of East Prussia. The Masurians formed an evangelical, Polish-speaking, peasant community. They were famous for their loyalty to the subsequent Prussian and German rulers. Living in a relative isolation, the Masurians kept their Language, their own customs and habits for a long time. At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was a strong pressure towards their assimilation with German culture by eliminating the “Polish” dialect of the Masurians. To counter any possible Polish claims, the dialect was officially recognized as the “Masurian language”. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries Poles considered the Masurians as a regional branch of their own nation. The nationalistic radicalization during the Great War and Masuria plebiscite led to intensified assimilation of Masurians and the annihilation of the Masurian culture.
During the 2019 campaign to the European Parliament, it was often argued that the situation in which EU institutions can make decisions that de facto legally affect public authorities of a given state in shaping policies on its territory violates this state’s sovereignty. Another argument was that such a situation would seriously limit the possibility of satisfying the needs of citizens of the state in question. The above logic assumes that maintaining the principles of nation state with regard to a state’s political system would guarantee the citizens greater control over public decisions and ensure that their needs are met. This type of argumentation has been present for a long time in the discourse on Poland’s membership in the European Union.The objective of the presented research is to elucidate what exactly it would mean for an average citizen (considering their potential influence on shaping public policies) to introduce a political system based on the so often evoked concept of a nation state in its original, literal sense. To meet the above objective, the text presents the original meaning of the category of a nation state and its constituent parts, followed by an analysis whether and possibly why the understanding of these elements has evolved. Finally, the entire cognitive process leads to a firm conclusion that a return to political relations based on the classical approach to the category of a nation state would lead to contemporarily unacceptable effects on the position of individuals in democratic political systems. This also means that the categories of a nation state and sovereignty can evolve and a discussion on the changing scope of their meaning is fully acceptable.
W artykule podjęto kwestię zmiany roli państwa narodowego na skutek procesów globaliza-cyjnych. Zwrócono uwagę, że to właśnie państwo narodowe przez wiele lat było odpowiedzialne i było głównym kreatorem polityki rozwoju społecznego i ekonomicznego, które znamy jako „państwo dobrobytu”. Nasilające się procesy globalizacyjne spowodowały, pod presją lobby biz-nesowego, reorientację roli państwa narodowego i ewolucję w stronę „państwa neoliberalnego”, państwa „wycofanego”, które w dość pasywny, bierny sposób sankcjonuje nierówności społeczne, powstające jako efekt tzw. urynkowienia usług publicznych, wycofania się z wielu obszarów aktywności, w tym z pełnienia roli koordynatora i aktywnego aktora polityki społecznej. Ta swoi-sta defensywa państwa odbywa się w atmosferze wzmacniania roli organizacji ponadnarodowych, które określają katalog, co wolno, a czego nie. Mechanizmy kontroli ze strony społeczeństwa są w takim układzie mocno ograniczone, a demokracja mimo zachowania procedur i instytucji staje się w znacznym stopniu „fasadowa”. Przedstawiciele współczesnych nauk społecznych, tacy jak U. Beck czy wcześniej E. Fromm, krytykują kierunek ewolucji systemu rynkowego zmierzający do coraz większej alienacji i w istocie oderwania wytworów pracy ludzkiej od jej twórcy. Ta swoista dehumanizacja stosunków społecznych potęgowana jest narastającym konsumpcjoni-zmem, który niszczy podstawy relacji opartych na zaufaniu. Szczególnie spektakularne nasilenie tych procesów obserwować można w krajach, które stosunkowo niedawno weszły na ścieżkę rozwoju rynkowego bądź przechodzą etap intensywnej modernizacji – kraje postsocjalistyczne, w tym zwłaszcza Rosja, Ukraina, a także Chiny, Indie, Brazylia, kraje azjatyckie, czy wiek XXI stanie się stuleciem postdarwinizmu społecznego, czy też istnieje szansa na rozwój zrównoważony zależeć będzie w dużym stopniu od prowadzonej polityki rozwoju na poziomie krajowym i mię-dzynarodowym.
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The article presents the issue of changes in the role of the nation state as a result of globaliza-tion processes. It has been noted that it is the nation state that for many years was responsible and was the main creator of the policy of social and economic development, known as the “welfare state”. Increasing globalization processes, under pressure of business lobby, caused reorientation in the role of the nation state and evolution into “neoliberal state”, the state “withdrawn”. In a passive way, this state sanctions social inequalities, which arose as an effect of the so-called marketisation of public services, and withdraws from many areas of activity including the role of coordinator as well as an active actor of social policy. This particular defensive of the state takes place in the atmosphere of strengthening the roles of supranational organizations which define the catalogue of what is allowed and what is not. Controlling mechanisms of the society in this system are very limited and democracy, despite procedures and institutions, becomes “façade” to a great extent. Representatives of modern social science such as U. Beck or formerly E. Fromm criticize the direction of market system evolution which aims at increasing alienation and, in fact, breaking the products of human labor from their creator. This particular dehumanization of social relations is intensified by the growing consumerism which destroys the fundamentals of relationship based on trust. Especially spectacular intensity of these processes can be seen in countries which have recently entered the path of market development or are undergoing the phase of intensive modern-ization. These are post-socialist countries, particularly Russia, Ukraine as well as China, India, Brazil and Asian countries. Whether the twenty-first century becomes the century of social post-Darwinism or there is a chance for balanced development will mainly depend on leading develop-ment policy on both national and international levels.
This article reviews the recent monograph by Maxim Shadurski, The Nationality of Utopia. H. G. Wells, England, and the World State (New York: Routledge, 2020) in the context of utopian studies on the one hand, and the political ideas of the nation state vs. world state on the other.
The subject of this article in an analysis of the globalisation process in economic and social areas. The author describes the main spheres of globalisation such as economic and political integration, the declining role of nation states, cultural homogenisation and the increasing significance of transnational corporations. The advantages and disadvantages of globalisation are discussed. The author also indicates differences between regions that benefit from globalisation. The article tries to answer questions whether globalisation is a desirable process and what it should be like to bring more benefits than losses.
The emergence of nation states in Europe is associated in contemporary historiography with the French Revolution and the development of national movements in the 19th century. The author draws attention to an earlier phase of the formation of nation states, which was related to the power-political crisis of the Holy Roman Empire in the second half of the 15th century. The medieval Empire crossed the boundaries of three major language groups that were mutually unintelligible (Germanic, Romance and Slavic languages). At the time of the creation of the Estates’ monarchies at the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries, the question of linguistic identity became an important state-forming element.
The following text offers a comparison of Czech and Polish sociological journals of the interwar era related to the problems of the nation and the nation state. A combination of quantitative and qualitative content analysis is used for comparing formal characteristics (institutionalization, periodicity, types, number and size of articles), and thematic structure. Czech sociology had a closer relationship to nation-state politics, which was shown at the level of institutional (in)stability of the journals, at the level of personal involvement of journals‘ leading figures in politics as well as at the level of discourse, where different relevance and content were attached to the subject of nation in each country. Regarding this issue Czech sociology (represented in journals in the 1930s) was closer to public sociology while the Polish discourse to policy sociology.
In the process of globalisation transnational corporations limit the role of individual nation states. It often happens that nation states are also made serve such corporations or act against the working class they have authority over. Patriotism may be used for the purposes of reactivation, criticism, or making progress. However, the role it plays depends on people who refer to it and socio-political conditions. Contradictions generated by globalisation have a negative impact on patriotism in its original meaning. The process has not led to the twilight of homelands, and patriotism or nationalism but to new waves of nationalism, racism, and separatism.
This article analyzes political values of the contemporary world and Ukraine in connection with conception of postmodernism. The article has focus on political science analysis of axiology like a determinant of the political life. Postmodern epoch has emerged after disillusionment with modernism ideals and its optimism. The person`s alienation from his/her origin, the change of industrial conditions, the senseless of revolutions, humanity`s self-destruction in world wars constituted an epoch of Postmodernism. The notion of postmodernism is described by philosophers as a new cultural tendency of Western societies. It can be characterized through the basic features such as openness and readiness for perception sociopolitical and cultural changes, freedom of self-expression, improvement of quality of life, care for ecology etc. For instance J.F. Lyotard used the concept of postmodernism to describe the condition of knowledge in the most highly developed societies. The emergence of the phenomenon of postmodern caused by the crisis of modernism`s metaphysical philosophy. According to J.F. Lyotard, modernism is losing its functors, great hero, great dangers, great voyages and great goal. In contrast postmodernism denies any kind of ideology, dominance, violence or war for the sake of peace and agreement. It contradicts monism, unification, totalitarianism and necessity of utopias. Also it approves the idea of diversity, the competition of paradigms and coexistence of diverse elements. Otherwise the conception of pluralism is the one of the main postmodernism feature. Postmodernism was emerged to explain the global conditions of the last decades of twentieth century. In consequence, it is intended for explaining the contemporary crisis phenomena and processes, finding new priorities, aims and tasks for humanity. That is why the transformation of social, cultural and economic lives tends to form the new basis of modern societies which faces a task of changing orientations and revaluation basic social and political values. A lot of philosophers agree to main idea of dominance the value consciousness over the ideological one. Nowadays axiological systems of the groups, societies or states become similar to each other. Political values can be considered like core and universal. They are characterized as rule of law, sovereignty, observation of human rights, individualism, freedom, equity, tolerance, peace, consensus, pluralism etc. These political values are basic for contemporary postmodern country. Despite the certain set of state`s political values postmodern nation state suffer from the tendencies of globalization which minimize the guide role of the nation state. That is why modern country needs to be rethought according to postmodern paradigm. Ukraine also needs to rethink the current and future status of its values and its place in the world`s order. On the one hand, declared by Ukraine its euro integration vector requires acceptance universal European political values such as dominance individual values over national ones, diversity of political behavior and prevailing role of global axiology over national. On the other hand, having a system crisis inherited from Soviet Union, Ukraine should form its own national identity on basis of national idea and then implement political and national values like responsibility, justice, dignity etc. After Ukrainian achieving independence from Soviet Union new values emerged such as democracy, freedom, constitutional state, observing human rights, justice and national patriotism. They were declared as the course of Ukrainian development but the implementation had faced some difficulties like reactionaries and oligarchic groups. To O. Babkina`s mind, the actual problem of modern Ukraine is both unity of Ukraine and its contradiction from external threat of its sovereignty. Moreover the dire threat of national integrity influenced over social consolidation, invoked forming sociopolitical values and determined geopolitical vector for Ukraine. Positive factors for Ukrainian axiological system are consolidation of national idea, overcoming the value cleavage among political elites and citizens, growing patriotism of financial groups and authority. To sum up, Ukraine is building its own Postmodern to be a competitive and perspective actor of foreign policy due to its efforts of overcoming the value cleavage of Ukrainian society and strengthen first positive achievements.
The article is devoted to the late Zygmunt Bauman (d. January 2017), a scholar who made an enormous impact on world humanities at the turn of the twentieth century. It briefly presents Bauman’s life and a number of the best known concepts from his works. The author first discusses Bauman’s attitude toward Marxist theory and explains his revision of it. He then introduces the main ideas of Bauman work Modernity and the Holocaust. The article ends with a review of Bauman’s reflections on globalisation and a discussion of his thesis concerning the crisis of the nation state.
The author – using empirical data – claims that a meritocratic approach to public governance in Poland does not seem deeply rooted. The research indicates that since mid-November 2015 until the beginning of November 2017 meritocratic rules have been totally ignored in governmental institutions including state-owned companies. Many legal regulations were enacted in order to introduce changes in managing bodies responsible for key public institutions as well as companies. The drive to improve their effectiveness were not of prime importance. The key criterion for promoting was based on the decision-maker’s personal trust. There are many implications of the above-mentioned development, including a loss of trust to the state resulting in a moral degeneration from the perspective of political class as well society as a whole.
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Autorka na podstawie danych empirycznych uzasadnia tezę, że merytokratyczne podejście do metod rządzenia w państwie jest w Polsce słabo zakorzenione. Wskazuje, że w instytucjach zależnych od rządu oraz spółkach skarbu państwa w okresie od połowy listopada 2015 r. do początku listopada 2017 r. doszło do całkowitego zarzucenia tych metod. Większość niezwykle licznie uchwalanych ustaw skupiała się na szybkości i szerokiej wymianie ciał zarządzających kluczowymi instytucjami i spółkami. Na dalszym planie pozostawała zwykle poprawa efektywności działania tych podmiotów. W wielu przypadkach głównym kryterium awansu było zaufanie decydenta. Najważniejszym skutkiem społecznym prowadzenia nieprzejrzystej, nieopartej na merytorycznych zasadach polityki personalnej jest podważanie zaufania do państwa, co jest degradujące zarówno dla klasy politycznej, jak i dla ogółu obywateli.
The author analyses the process of Europeanization in the field of public policy defining it as a systematic policy diffusion, policy transfer and policy convergence of the EU’s and Western patterns of policy interventions and policy ideas as well as policy solutions. He indicates that the Europeanization – all by itself – does not guarantee the automatic improvement of policy outcome and more effective public interventions in a given country (as a way of ensuring a higher level of capacity to generate a better proportion between resources in use and benefits). The EU’s public policy – as a policy activity initiated by the Union’s institutions – has a different structure from that of policies on the country level, as a result, it affects them in a rather selective way. Above all, the European institutions do not have a significant influence on such a stage of policy cycle like policy implementation (except the area of legislation and its compliance with the EU law). Keywords: public policy, Europeanization, nation state
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Autor analizuje proces europeizacji w polityce publicznej. Definiuje go jako systematyczne przenikanie, a także transfer oraz konwergencję unijnych i zachodnich wzorców działania publicznego oraz pomysłów i rozwiązań problemów. Wskazuje, że europeizacja – niejako sama z siebie – nie zapewnia bezpośrednio mechanizmu podnoszenia efektywności działań publicznych w danym państwie (w sensie podnoszenia zdolności do uzyskiwania większych korzyści z wydanych środków). Unijna polityka publiczna – rozumiana jako działania inicjowane przez instytucje unijne – ma bowiem inną konstrukcję niż polityka krajowa, a tym samym oddziałuje na nią w dość selektywny sposób. Przede wszystkim instytucje unijne nie posiadają znaczącego wpływu na ten etap kształtowania polityki, jakim jest implementacja (poza kwestiami zgodności krajowego porządku prawnego z unijnym prawodawstwem).
This article strives to assess the condition of the contemporary state. The author thinks that the contemporary state is more powerful than ever in history and that this power is strongly rooted in the wants of its citizens. The recent global economic crisis has legitimized the state even further. Although the contemporary state is increasingly polycentric and its structures are less and less hierarchic and transparent, the identity and integration of the political system are not in danger. The state’s immense power is a serious threat to its citizens and to democracy. The processes of nationalization of societies are stronger than the processes of socialization of states. Hence one of the (widely understood) key problems of theWest is how to preserve citizen autonomy. This autonomy is being increasingly threatened by various state agencies and the welfare state’s typical clientism, which try to control each and every citizen. The usual response to this danger is to call for limitation of the state’s role, for a minimal state, etc. This author thinks that such postulates are unrealistic, because citizens want the state to be a welfare state and because such a state is functional for democracy. The best response to the threat to individual autonomy and to democracy is the republican response: only the politically mobilized people can maintain an elementary level of state socialization and an essential degree of state segmentation, both of which create the necessary space for individual freedom.
The aim of this paper is to compare the approaches of Ernst Cassirer and Aurel Kolnai on the idea of the nation state in its most radical form, which consists of identifying national sovereignty with an unrestricted right of the nation to political, external, and internal self-determination. What the comparison attempted here focuses on, is the criticism on the conditions for the possibility of specific German nationalism, presented by Cassirer in his Myth of the State and by Kolnai in his War Against the West. According to the main thesis of this paper, insofar as both Cassirer and Kolnai recognized the role played in politics by emotions and considered political phenomena as being constituted by not only rational or at least calculable mechanisms, but also affective factors, like beliefs, religion, and myth, they tended to consider nationalism in terms of the politics of “regression,” understood, psychoanalytically, as a reversion of mental life, in some respects, to a former, or less developed, psychological state, characteristic of not only individual mental disorders, but also social psychosis. It will be argued, that Cassirer and Kolnai, not unlike the representatives of the Frankfurt School, considered the contemporary preponderance of mythical thought in political philosophy to be an expression of the dialectic, which consisted in “relapsing” of the Enlightenment into mythology. As a main motive for the comparison of their political philosophies, an assumption will be presented in the paper, that, while taking into account the contemporary tendency to oppose national sovereignty to the sovereignty of international law, the approach to the idea of nation state, as presented by Cassirer and Kolnai, seems to be by no means out of date.
The article aims to demonstrate that genocidal violence is largely a consequence of executing basic functions of the nation state and results from the same mechanisms that are used for everyday reproduction of imagined communities such as nations. This is based on the findings of comparative genocide characterized in detail elsewhere. The first part of the article discusses these features of the nation state, which are crucial in the process of mobilizing the collective violence. Among them of key importance are: establishing of borders, their symbolization and defense; territoriality; reproduction of nations as imagined communities; waging wars and preparing for them; social engineering concerning classification of people and identity politics; ideological discourses. In the second part, the author analyzes the situation of nation states in late modernity. He points out, among others, the development of “post-military communities”, renaissance of mercenaries; neocolonial conflicts; “war on terror” and the ideas of global popular culture. The author argues that despite the rapidly changing international situation, nation states have not lost their genocidal potency, and under certain conditions genocide can take place.
Th is paper concerns Polish nationalist discourse. Th e author tries to describe the most important features of this discourse in a synthetic way taking into account a historical perspective. He claims that if it comes to its key elements, the structure of the discourse is constant despite changeable socio-political circumstances. Only less relevant elements like means used by nationalists in order to achieve their main goal which is the power change. Th e author of this paper formulates its conclusions on the basis of analysis of texts published on the websites associated with nationalist movement. Th e authors of analyzed texts are former members and leaders of Młodzież Wszechpolska which is among the most infl uential Polish nationalist organizations. Th erefore, their point of view can be consider as an adequate representative for Polish nationalist ideology in general.
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Artykuł dotyczy polskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego. Autor podejmuje w nim próbę syntetycznego opisania najważniejszych cech tego dyskursu w perspektywie historycznej. Twierdzi, że zasadnicza struktura polskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego jest trwała, pomimo zmieniających się okoliczności społecznych i politycznych. Zmienne są w nim tylko elementy drugoplanowe, takie jak środki działania, mające służyć osiągnięciu założonych celów, z których głównym jest zdobycie władzy. Autor wyciąga swoje wnioski na podstawie analizy tekstów publikowanych na stronach internetowych związanych z organizacjami nacjonalistycznymi. Autorzy analizowanych tekstów są byłymi działaczami lub liderami jednej z nacjonalistycznych organizacji – Młodzieży Wszechpolskiej, a zatem ich poglądy stanowią adekwatną reprezentację ideologii nacjonalistycznej.
Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie regionalizmu w perspektywie socjologicznej. Samo zjawisko pojawiło się w Europie w połowie XIX w., stając się od tamtego czasu obiektem badań naukowych. W tekście zaproponowano integralną definicję zjawiska, charakteryzując cztery jego wymiary: tożsamość, instytucje, ideologię oraz działania. Dodatkowo opisane zostały kulturowe, gospodarcze i polityczne typy regionalizmu. Scharakteryzowano także proces formowania się zjawiska w perspektywie długiego trwania. Zarysowano wpływ państwa narodowego na kształtowanie się regionalizmu i ukazano jego związki z procesami decentralizacji. Ponadto opisano wzajemne relacje regionalizmu oraz polityk Unii Europejskiej, a także transformacje, jakim ulega wzmiankowane zjawisko pod wpływem globalizacji.
EN
The purpose of this article is to define the phenomenon of regionalism from the sociological perspective. Regionalism as such appeared in Europe around the mid-nineteenth century, and since then has become an object of scientific research. The article proposes an integral definition of regionalism and describes its four dimensions: identity, institutions, ideology and practice. It also identifies the cultural, economic and political types of regionalism and outlines the process of shaping regionalism in the long-term perspective. The article describes the influence of the nation state on the evolution of regionalism and analyses the relationship between regionalism and processes of state decentralisation. It also describes mutual relations of the European Union and its policies with regionalism, which is being transformed due to globalisation.
Donald Trump utilizes conservative values and narrative to gain power in elections, causing profound social turmoil (to hell with political correctness) and successfully attempts to limit oligarchization of American political life. He was able to defeat Hilary Clinton with her vision of liberal oligarchy supported by identity clientele groups. Trump focused his rhetoric and policies on social solidarity in a nation state fueled by republican values, thus opposing both liberals and libertarians joined against him in a conflict of two models of common interest in V. Pareto’s understanding. Some similarities to Ronald Regan’s presidency are visible, albeit major differences (business background, massive personal wealth, lack of political experience or administrative career) must be noticed. Trump’s vision “Great America” is a construed temporal social phenomenon, based on rhetoric of greatness and power, used however to implement real and profound policy changes (e.g. nominations to SCOTUS and federal courts). Moreover, Trump saves Republicans from political stalemate or even crisis, as they regain a chance to reorient the political system in a radical manner. His political intuition and business experience allowed Trump to overthrow the rhetoric of political correctness, liberal dispersed censorship and newspeak dictate of public morality. Brutal rhetoric and peculiar sense of humor combined with sincere optimism of a “self-made man” and entrepreneurial mentality allowed Trump to survive both ostracism of elites and ferocious attack of liberal media. He established himself as a representative and voice of “Hard America” (M. Barone), opposed to liberal despise for the “deplorable”. Trump indentifies himself as a man of action, rough business player and a builder, America to him is a nation of builders. Trump’s victory is a symbolic ending of the American and Western order established after 1945.
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Wygrane przez Donalda Trumpa – dzięki odwołaniu do wartości i narracji konserwatywnej – wybory prezydenckie wywołały wstrząs w społeczeństwie amerykańskim. Nowy prezydent z powodzeniem ograniczył postępującą oligarchizację życia politycznego Stanów Zjednoczonych. Zdołał pokonać Hilary Clinton z jej wizją państwa – oligarchii wspieranej przez klienckie grupy tożsamościowe. Trump skoncentrował swoją retorykę i kierunki polityki na solidarności społecznej w ramach państwa narodowego opartego na wartościach republikańskich. Stanął w opozycji zarówno do liberałów, jak i do libertarian złączonych w walce przeciwko niemu. Widać tu konflikt dwóch modeli interesu wspólnotowego w ujęciu Vilfredo Pareto. Ponadto dostrzec można podobieństwa do prezydentury Ronalda Regana, jednakże trudno pominąć zasadnicze rozbieżności (Trump – człowiek wielkiego biznesu z ogromnym majątkiem osobistym, niemający doświadczenia politycznego i niepełniący wcześniej funkcji publicznych). Sama wizja „wielkiej Ameryki” jest stworzonym przez Trumpa zjawiskiem społecznym, opartym na retoryce wielkości i władzy wykorzystywanej jednak przy wdrażaniu rzeczywistych zmian polityki państwa (np. nominacje sędziowskie). Oprócz tego nowy prezydent zapewnił Partii Republikańskiej wyjście z kryzysu, dając szansę na gruntowną i zasadniczą reorientację systemu politycznego USA. Intuicja polityczna i doświadczenie przedsiębiorcy pozwalają Trumpowi na obalenie monopolu retoryki politycznej poprawności wraz z moralnym dyktatem nowomowy i rozproszonymi formami cenzury. Brutalna retoryka i specyfi czne poczucie humoru towarzyszące autentycznemu optymizmowi self-made man, wraz z biznesową mentalnością, pozwoliły Donaldowi Trumpowi na przetrwanie ostracyzmu elit oraz zaciętych ataków mediów liberalnych. Nowy prezydent zajął miejsce trybuna „twardej Ameryki” (Michael Barone) stając w opozycji do liberalnej pogardy dla „godnych pożałowania”. Trump identyfikuje się jako budowniczy, człowiek działania, doświadczony i ostry gracz świata wielkich interesów. Sama Ameryka dlań to naród budowniczych. Nowa prezydentura jest również symbolicznym zakończeniem porządku ustanowionego w USA i Europie Zachodniej po roku 1945.
Challenges to Ethnos (έθνος) in a Global SocietyEthnos is a broad term, often understood as an element in nation making, or else an umbrella term for the processes of building the modern nation. The academic discussion around ethnos nowadays is being challenged not only by the principles of globalization, and with them a possibility of a global village, where nations will or will not have an important role, but also the efforts to establish states based on faith and strong ideology on the part of some right wing parties or the supporters of the Muslim caliphate. This article presents a short study on the problems created by globalization and discusses the parameters of possible influences imposed on the nation by world coalitions and associations. It addresses questions like: Can the nation survive in a globalized society? What kinds of nations might be developed in the future? Is the Greek ethnos compatible with these developments? What is the relation of radicalization and terrorism to nation building? Ethnos (έθνος) a wyzwania społeczeństwa globalnegoEthnos jest terminem o szerokim zakresie semantycznym, zwykle rozumianym jako jeden z elementów, z których konstruuje się naród, albo przeciwnie jako termin-worek na określenie procesu budowy nowoczesnego narodu. Dzisiejsze dyskusje naukowe wokół terminu ethnos odbywają się w obliczu wyzwań związanych nie tylko z potencjalną globalną wioską, w której narody mogą odgrywać ważną rolę lub też jej nie odgrywać, lecz również z podejmowanymi przez partie prawicowe czy zwolenników muzułmańskiego kalifatu próbami budowania silnie zideologizowanych państw opartych na religii. Niniejszy artykuł jest krótkim studium problemów związanych z globalizacją, rozważa także zakres możliwego wpływu światowych koalicji i stowarzyszeń na narody. Formułuję szereg pytań, jak choćby: Czy narody mają szansę przeżyć w społeczeństwie globalnym? Jaki rodzaj narodów wykształci się w przyszłości? Jaki los czeka w związku z tym grecki ethnos? Jakie są relacje pomiędzy radykalizacją i terroryzmem a procesem budowania narodów?
W artykule migracje przymusowe zostały zawężone do pojęcia wysiedlenia. Za Krystyną Kersten przyjęto definicję wysiedleń, jako przymusowych i zorganizowanych przemieszczeń określonej zbiorowości – na mocy porozumień lub decyzji międzynarodowych lub też jako jednostronny akt przeprowadzającej ją władzy. O ile migracje przymusowe nie są zjawiskiem, którego geneza sięga XX wieku, to dopiero jednak w ubiegłym stuleciu zaczęto je stosować, jako środek służący konsolidacji państw narodowych. W czasie II wojny światowej doszło do apogeum sprzężenia idei nacjonalistycznych z wysiedleniami ludności, co wiązało się z próbą fizycznej eksterminacji określonych grup etnicznych. Na skutek polityki germanizacyjnej na polskich ziemiach wcielonych do III Rzeszy doszło do masowych wysiedleń mieszkających tam dotychczas Polaków – zgodnie z ideą „czysto niemieckich ziem”. Z drugiej strony, mocarstwa obradujące na konferencji w Londynie i w Waszyngtonie w latach 1942-1943 były zgodne co do tego, że wysiedlenia ludności niemieckiej są jedynym możliwym środkiem mogącym zapobiec kolejnym konfliktom w powojennej Europie. Stanowisko to znalazło oparcie w rozdziale XIII umowy poczdamskiej przewidującym transfer Niemców z Polski, Czechosłowacji i Węgier. To rozwiązanie popierali również polscy komuniści. W artykule wykazano, że nowe władze postrzegały wysiedlenia jako środek konieczny w realizacji ideału państwa homogenicznego pod względem etnicznym, który kształtował się w czasie wojny. W konstruowaniu koncepcji państwa dominowały odwołania do patriotyzmu, jedności narodowej, a paradygmat walki klas odgrywał w tym procesie drugorzędną rolę. Wynikiem tych poglądów były działania władz w kierunku jak najszybszego przeprowadzenia wysiedleń Niemców z tzw. „Ziem Odzyskanych” po wojnie, a następnie integracji tych terytoriów w ramach nowego państwa narodowego zgodnie z założeniami polityki „repolonizacji”.
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In this article, the term 'forced migrations' has been narrowed down to mean expulsions. The definition of expulsion proposed by Krystyna Kersten has been adopted according to which an expulsion is a forced and organized displacement of a given group carried out as a result of an international agreement or decision, or of an act imposed by the authorities. Although the phenomenon of forced migrations does not date back to the 20th century, it was only in the last century that they started to be used as an instrument of consolidation of nation-states. During World War II both nationalist ideas and expulsion-oriented activities reached their apogeum, which resulted in the attempt to exterminate certain ethnic groups. The germanisation policy carried out on the Polish territories let to mass expulsions of the Poles living there, in line with the idea of 'purely German lands.' As it has been shown in the article, the new authorities considered expulsions as a necessary part of the fulfillment of the ideal of an ethnically homogenous country. Central to that vision of the state were references to patriotism and national unity, while the paradigm of class warfare was regarded as secondary. In consequence, after the war the aim of the authorities was to carry out, as rapidly as possible, expulsions of Germans from the so-called 'Recovered Territories' and then, carry out the integration of these territories as part of the new nation-state project realised in line with the policy of repolonisation.
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