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PL
The aim of the article is to discuss the significance of historical anniversaries in the period of People’s Poland by comparing the celebrations of the Year of Copernicus in 1953 and 1973. First, the focus is placed on the institutional analysis of the celebrations and the characteristics of their main participants. Then, the discursive mechanisms of attributing significance to the figure of Nicolaus Copernicus are presented, with a particular emphasis on the value of progressiveness, revolution, anticlericalism. Finally, the author makes an attempt to evaluate the effects of commemoration policy in the Polish society.
EN
The text deals with the fragmentary issue of Piotr Skarga’s iconography which is the artistic legacy of the anniversaries celebrated in 1912 and 2012. The remembrance of this Jesuit’s death one hundred years ago stirred up many emotions. It was visible in, for instance, mass manifestations, books, theatre performances or the creations of fine arts. In the reality of the beginnings of the 20th century, what was important was the impact of the image created by Jan Matejko as well as its ideological, virtually mystical, background. This jubilee, celebrated one hundred years ago, has left numerous traces in the arts, some of which have not been retained to this day. The medal by Witold Bieliński; the bust sculptured by Władysław Mazur and Jan Tombiński; or the exquisite bas-relief by Luna Drexler on the Lvov Latin Cathedral were characteristic of those times. However, the level of those works is contrasted with the quality and number of creations dedicated to Skarga during the last anniversary. Both the postage stamp issued by the Polish Postal Service as well as the monument unveiled at the Warsaw Catholic School are not really original. In 2012, Skarga was mentioned most frequently on the Internet, in the forms of memes, which were often obscene and inappropriate.
EN
The author looks at transformation of the Slovak literature after 1989 in a context of perception of changing collection of romantic myth, the perception of one's own identity and, consequently, the modification of the so-called national character. The aim of this paper is to show, describe and analyse Peter Pišťanek’s short story Mladý Dônč as an example of demythologizing tendences in Slovak prose in the 90s. The question is approached from comparative angle: author looks for links between the structure of the story Mladý Dônč, and hagiographic legends, fairy magic model and traditional Slovak legends of Juraj Janosik. Pišťanek’s ironic approach to the national mythology concerns primarily such its component like idealization of the rural Slovak family or position occupied by folklore in whole 19th century Slovak culture.
RU
Сформировавшиеся в массовом сознании стереотипы европейского и азиатского лидера не соответствуют современной действительности. В условиях культурной глобализации происходит сближение, порою полное совмещение друг с другом идеальных моделей политического лидера, вождя, главы государства, «отца народа» как в теории, так и в исторической практике европейских и азиатских народов и стран. Тем не менее некоторые различия между мусульманским Востоком и христианской, подвергнутой сильной секуляризации Европой остаются. Содержание понятия «национальный лидер / национальный герой» в Европе имеет более сильную этническую составляющую. «Своим» его признает чаще всего определенная этническая группа, в то время как на Востоке лидер мыслится обычно в масштабе суперэтнической, межгосударственной общности. Там на роль лидера чаще может претендовать духовное лицо, что в европейской системе отделения церкви от государства и невмешательства духовенства в политику практически исключается. Крым занимает исключительное положение на границе западной и восточной цивилизаций, и на примерах деятельности трех выдающихся лидеров крымских татар разных исторических периодов – просветителя либеральных взглядов, идеолога пантюркизма Исмаила Гаспринского, Муфтия Таврического, вставшего на путь революционной борьбы с царизмом и большевизмом Нумана Челеби Джихана и «советского диссидента», возглавившего в 1991 году Курултай и Меджлис крымскотатарского народа Мустафы Джемилева – видно, как меняются модели политических лидеров, их методы, цели и идеалы, каковы корни их массовой популярности.
EN
The stereotypical an “European” and an “Asian” leader, formed in the mass consciousness, does not correspond with contemporary reality. Under the phenomenon of cultural globalization, there is a merging or at times a complete integration of ideal models, including the political leader, chief, head of the state and a “Father of the Nation”. These ideal models exist both in theory and in historical practices of the European and Asian peoples and lands. Nonetheless, some distinctions are manifested between the East, referred to as the Muslim Orient, and the West, known as the Christian, strongly secularized Europe. The meaning of the notion a national leader or a national hero in Europe has a stronger ethnic component. In the West, the leader is most often recognized as an “our own” by an ethnic group. Meanwhile, in the East the leader is conceived as a head and member of a superethnic, inter-state community. In the East, a spiritual person can qualify for the role of the leader. This is unlikely to occur in the European system, where the Church and State are separated and there is a non-intervention of the clergy into politics for a long time. The Crimea has an exceptional location on the borderline of the Eastern and Western civilizations. The examples of three prominent Crimean Tatar leaders of different historical time periods demonstrate how their methods, goals and ideals change and the reasons behind their mass popularity. The three leaders are: Ismail Gasprinsky, educator of a liberal views and Panturkizm’s ideologue; Numan Chelebi Djikhan, the Tavria’s Mufty, who chose the path of revolutionary rebellion against tsarism and bolshevism; Mustafa Djemilev, an “Soviet dissident”, who became a head of Crimean Tatar people’s Kurultai and Medjlis in 1991.
SR
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EN
The paper is focused on the history of the ideological unification of the image of Hristo Botev, when a monolith biography of him was forged from numerous diverse narratives about his life. That canonical narrative was smooth and not contradictory. During 20-ties and 30-ties of XX c., when nationalism was rising into trendy social movement, the image of Botev was sanctified, sharing a row with Vasil Levsky and becoming a leading figure in Bulgarian national heroic pantheon. With his affirmation as a national emblem, Botev‘s image became the subject of commercial uses, which are considered using the concepts of „consumerist nationalism” (B. Penchev) and “consumption of identity” (Anne-Marie Thiesse). During the years of socialism Botev was present in a consumer culture that functioned as utopia for future prosperity beyond any economic logic. The national hero can be seen as connected to that utopia, while reading the books of impressions in the “Hristo Botev” National Museum in the town of Kalofer, where he was born. Visitors also show disappointment with the promised, but unrealized socialist prosperity. In post-socialist years the image of Botev falls into a conglomerate of Euro-centric, nationalistic, nostalgic-communist and commercial manifestations.
EN
The Kazakh folk epic talks about the heroic deeds and life of nomadic tribes, being the historical and cultural heritage of the nation, which has been passed from mouth to mouth for centuries, thereby preserving national memory and contributing to the maintenance of patriotic feelings. The purpose of this article is not only to consider the Kazakh epic in the traditional vein of narrating about the historical past, but also to emphasize its ethnographic and genealogical value. By analyzing epic poetry, folk songs and folklore in general, as well as examining fragments of individual works, the authors recreate a holistic picture of the genealogical basis of the folk epic. The article compares the differences in the traditions of the Kazakh epic poetry of the 16th-18th and 19th centuries, which are observed, first of all, in the compositional structure, the subject of the story, the worldview in general. According to the results of the study, it was determined that the genealogical basis of the Kazakh folk epic lies in a certain archetype of a hero, the only son born to become a defender of the honor and dignity of the nation. At the same time, special attention is paid to describing its origin through a poetic description of its family tree. From this follows the complex genre of the epic chronicle, which has artistic and historical value and is an example of spiritual heritage. This study is of practical use for specialists in the field of history, literature, ethnography and genealogy.
EN
The article offers an analysis of the representations of Tadeusz Kościuszko in early American newspapers (1776-1820). The study shows that the American press presented Kościuszko as a heroic figure, significant in the making of America as a nation through his participation in the War of Independence. Kościuszko was not initially recognized as an important military leader of the Revolution, but he was re-discovered as an American hero after he had distinguished himself as the leader of the 1794 uprising in Poland. The mythologization of Kościuszko consisted in interpreting his life as a struggle for liberty, equality, and republicanism, the values which laid at the foundation of America as a nation.
PL
Artykuł stanowi analizę wizerunku Tadeusza Kościuszki we wczesnej prasie amerykańskiej (1776-1820). Wyniki badań wskazują, że prasa amerykańska przedstawiała Kościuszkę jako bohatera, postać ważną dla procesu tworzenia się (powstawania) Ameryki poprzez jego udział w Rewolucji Amerykańskiej. Początkowo Kościuszko nie był uznawany za wojskowego przywódcę Rewolucji, ale został okrzyknięty bohaterem amerykańskim po tym jak wsławił się jako przywódca powstania z 1794 roku w Polsce. Mitologizacja Kościuszki polegała na przedstawianiu jego życia jako walki o wolność, równość i republikanizm, wartości które leżały u podwalin amerykańskiego narodu.
Mäetagused
|
2014
|
vol. 58
53-84
EN
The aim of the paper is to analyse the collective expression of attitudes elicited by the doping scandal that concerned the esteemed Estonian cross-country skier and Olympic gold medal winner, Andrus Veer­palu. The paper provides an insight into the evolution of an athlete into a national hero on the Internet. The analysis is based on the material col­lected from Estonian online media during two years (from April 2011 to March 2013), when Andrus Veerpalu’s court case was actively followed by the Estonian sports circles and laymen alike. The data corpus includes the most relevant news texts published in the online news portal Delfi (www.delfi.ee), comments from the same online environment, posts from the Facebook fan sites, e.g., “We believe in Andrus Veerpalu”, etc. The doping accusation called forth a quasi-religious movement, which was built around the belief that the athlete was sacred and it was not allowed to attack or accuse him in any way. The main threads in the comments analysed within this study could be divided into two opposing, although intertwining categories: the serious and the ironic. Both categories included people who believed in Veerpalu’s innocence, and those who did not; in addition, there were those who displayed their superiority towards the entire discussion. The analysis addresses the transformation of an Olympic hero into a national hero, and points out narratives that treat the scandal within the present-day genres of urban legends, conspiracy theories, and Internet humour. The more or less genuine belief of people was reflected in sought-out explanations for the doping test result and counter-arguments (above all, via conspiracy stories, but also through social mobilisation in support of Veerpalu). In the post factum comments, the ma­jority expressed the feeling that their trust had been justified; they renewed their unremitting belief in the acquitted hero. But the rather complicated end to the long case was also a confusing one, and this allowed the ironic discourse to produce parodies, jokes and other critical comments. The questions central to the analysis are the following: (1) How does the audience interpret information provided by the media and which topics do the interpretations initiate in turn? (2) How does the notion of belief emerge in the discussion, which narratives and stereotypes are believed in, and how is the belief rationalised? (3) Which folkloric and other cultural (transmedial) texts have taken inspiration from this doping scandal?
9
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K „druhému životu“ Alexandra Něvského

63%
EN
This article examines the so-called second life of the Russian prince Alexander Nevsky. The author set herself two main goals in the study. On the one hand, to sketch out what role the prince occupied in Russian tradition and historical consciousness over the course of the centuries, and, on the other hand, to also appreciate the differing lines of interpretation of his personality in contemporary historiography and to judge what his real historical role was. Was Nevsky an unyielding defender of the Orthodox Church, a national hero, or a traitor to his own people? The foundational source materials for this study are primarily texts of historiographical, hagiographical and literary characters, but iconographic material and works of art are also analyzed, and the author also takes into account the
EN
Man's death was a turning point. Living in a material dimension ends and begins a new life form. Each of religion indicates the status of the man 's death. On the other hand, here in the material world died already lives differently, memory, consciousness of others and their actions. This is particularly evident in the case of public figures. A clear example of this was the experience of the death of Pope John Paul II and to commemorate it in the years following the death of the Poles. In the consciousness of the Pope's compatriots , and in their actions, John Paul II not only gone, but he was certain roles. Empirical studies conducted in the period between the death of the pope to his beatification allow to say that John Paul II was seen as a national hero, saint and teacher.
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