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EN
It is difficult to answer the question of how to write about national uprisings in school textbooks and other studies, because such historical events are very complex, and their evaluation is multifaceted. It is easier to answer the question of how not to write and how not to teach about uprisings: do not write about them carelessly and in haste, do not present them in a simplified manner, do not indicate who is guilty in an unjustified manner, do not foresee the consequences.
PL
Praca odnosi się do relacji polsko-żydowskich na Mazowszu Północnym w okresie zaborów i okresu odzyskiwania niepodległości Rzeczypospolitej. Skupiono się na postawach Żydów wobec powstania listopadowego, styczniowego, wydarzeń rewolucyjnych 1905–1907, odradzania się państwa polskiego.
EN
The present dissertation refers to the Polish-Jewish relations in Northern Mazovia during the partitions of Poland and the restoration of Poland’s independence. The emphasis has been put on the attitudes of Jews towards the November and January Uprisings, the revolutionary events of 1905–1907 and the restoration of the Polish State.
EN
In the context of the 150th anniversary of the January Uprising, the author tackles the question of the interpretation of particular historical events in the history of the Polish Republic. In the case of the Polish Crown, compressed by aggressive eastern and western neighborhood, he considers historiosophical thesis of Felix Koneczny about editing of universal history in the perspective of a confrontation with each other different civilization systems.
Prace Historyczne
|
2024
|
vol. 151
|
issue 1
219-233
EN
Tygodnik Powszechny was one of the most important ideological periodicals in the Polish People’s Republic, and among the non-censorship ones, it had the greatest margin of freedom. It was a magnet around which Catholic activists gathered, standing on the grounds of acceptance of post-war reality, justifying their stance with political realism, described as neo-positivism. They formed the ideological and political milieu of Znak. An important place in their political thought, formulated in this aspect above all by Stanisław Stomma, Stefan Kisielewski and Antoni Gołubiew, was given to the evaluation of events from the Polish past, especially from the late 18th century to the present times. Particularly important was the analysis of the Polish national uprisings that provided arguments for conciliatory and rational attitudes. Over time, however, the group and Stomma himself began to nuance their stance, adopting the thesis of the need to take into account the beliefs prevalent in society, which influenced the stance taken by Stomma and the Znak movement in 1976.
Prace Historyczne
|
2024
|
vol. 151
|
issue 1
205-218
EN
The aim of this article is to showcase the complex problem of the attitude of Catholic Church, and specifically its clergy, to the Polish uprisings in the 19th century. Ludwik Łętowski was a member of the Senate of the Republic of Cracow, who first strongly supported the November Uprising – this “historical mission of Poles,” – and then, as an auxiliary bishop of Cracow, strongly opposed the Cracow Uprising, which he called a “comic brawl.” Łętowski also criticized the January Uprising. It is difficult to unequivocally assess the attitude of the Catholic Church to the Polish national uprisings. It can certainly be said that the clergy in the Polish lands were involved in great national events and tried not to stand aside. Łętowski was a man of paradoxes, which was also reflected in his attitude to Polish uprisings in the 19th century. The attitude of the Polish clergy and its role in the 19th-century struggles for independence have not yet been exhaustively discussed in historiography, and the example of Łętowski does not allow to make simple generalizations.
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