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EN
When analyzing the foreign policy of Austria in the twenty-first century, it is worth to ask the question about the role of diplomacy in Vienna in the modern world. Following the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, some fixed elements dominant in relations with European countries can be seen. A rapidly evolving situation in the Middle East and Ukraine brought a number of challenges and Austria is trying to find its own solutions to the growing problems. Austria seeks solutions that would meet the needs of a neutral state, lying in the heart of the old continent and having ambitions to be a mediator in international disputes attentive to intercultural dialogue. Among the fixed elements of the Austrian foreign policy, little has changed in the last few years: the principle of permanent neutrality, integration within the EU structures and relations with countries from outside the European area should be mentioned. The change of Viennese diplomacy is observed in the use of soft power, support of the Balkan countries and cooperation with the Russian Federation during the conflict in Ukraine. Another thread connecting the two groups of factors is the issue of the impact of foreign policy on the political life of Austria.
EN
The years of the First World War were also a difficult period for Swiss society. Its political polarization came out particularly sharply in the face of the political crises that occurred at the time. One of the most serious was the so-called Grimm-Hoffmann affair of June 1917. The leader of the Swiss socialist milieu, one of the better-known parliamentarians, Robert Grimm, who went to Stockholm to attend the socialist congress and then to Petrograd, turned out to be a secret agent of the head of the Political Department of the Swiss government, Arthur Hoffmann. Robert Grimm’s mission was to probe the new Russian government about the possibility of a separate peace between Russia and Germany. This exposed unlawful action, undertaken without the agreement of the government, led to an international scandal, as the actions of R. Grimm and A. Hoffmann were contrary to Switzerland’s policy of neutrality. At the same time, there was an intensified press campaign in the country against A. Hoffmann, ending with his resignation. The arguments used by the public in their attacks on A. Hoffmann, clearly show that the Swiss society did not tolerate the actions of parliamentarians that went against the customs of a democratic state.
Studia Ełckie
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2022
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vol. 24
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issue 4
525-537
EN
The Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 formulated the principle of religious, ideological and philosophical impartiality of public authorities, which, apart from the principle of equal rights for churches and other religious associations, determines the Polish model of state-church relations. Impartiality in matters of religious, ideological and philosophical beliefs concerns public authorities, not the state as the political structure of the nation. Public authorities in the Republic of Poland, both individual and collective, are created by persons with specific religious, ideological and philosophical beliefs. Therefore, taking into account the respect for the freedom of conscience and religion of persons performing the functions of authorities, as well as the principle of impartiality of public authorities, the formula of open neutrality should be preserved in a democratic state of law, according to which public authorities are obliged to equal treatment of all people, regardless of their beliefs, on the other hand, they refrain from accepting the principles of one religion, worldview or philosophy, also those of an atheistic or agnostic nature. It should be emphasized that, contrary to the demands of various groups to remove the cross from public space, its presence is not a contradiction or a violation of the constitutional principle of impartiality of public authorities in matters of religious beliefs.
EN
The article attempts to analyze methodological ludism—an approach developed by André Droogers, a Dutch scholar studying religion. Droogers relies on Johan Huizinga’s conception claiming that culture (and, consequently, science) is of game-like nature. Game as a methodological principle has two levels: noumenal and phenomenal. The supposition is stated that at the noumenal level (the designatum level) ludism coincides with pantheism. At the phenomenal level (the signifier level) methodological ludism may be compared with its parts: methodological atheism, methodological agnosticism, and methodological theism; also, these components may be compared with one another.
EN
The article elaborates on Slovakia’s entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It analyses both internal and external factors which impacted on the process and introduces the main political actors in the “NATO or neutrality” debate. Particular attention was paid to the domestic factors, mainly political rivalries between the People’s Party – Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) and the rest of the political scene. The author argues that the quest for NATO membership was sacrificed for the sake of current political struggle, which resulted in Bratislava’s exclusion from the first group of Eastern European invitees. Therefore, the concept of neutrality and the idea of balancing between East and West were created for ad hoc reasons, rather than being a genuine geopolitical alternative formed by Slovakia’s political elite.
EN
The aim of the article is to examine whether Nordic area can be regarded as a homogenous and successfully cooperating region, which is providing one unified political front. Considering many similarities between Nordic states, as for example shared values (equality, women rights, common love of democracy, peace and welfare state), one could say that Nordic states constitute a single and unitary area. What is more, the linguistic, cultural and historical closeness of those states is a fact, but at the same time many differences can be pointed, especially considering their security and foreign policies. Those aspects seem to be the main obstacle in introducing full cooperation in the region. Nevertheless, it is worth noticing that current international developments and appearance of new threats to security are influencing the Nordic states which, as a result, are changing their attitudes towards security policy. Those factors could lead to introducing new dimensions of their cooperation.
EN
In the first part of the article author discusses some objections to Brian Barry’s in-terpretation of justice as impartiality, in particular those regarding freestanding position of principles of justice. In the second part author offers his own critique of Barry’s con-ception, according to which Barry does not distinguished two senses of impartiality adequately, conflating impartiality as non-discrimination and equal opportunity with impartiality as neutrality between conceptions of the good. Impartiality as the equal treatment of persons regardless of their characteristics or belonging to groups is compatible with neutrality in the sense of equal respect and acknowledgement of the right of persons to form and pursue their own conceptions of the good. However, it is also compatible with non-neutrality as the unequal treatment of conceptions of the good, insofar as some of them are unreasonable, that is, only reasonable conceptions are considered as relevant in public deliberation.
EN
Serbia is the only state in the Western Balkans that is not seeking NATO membership. In December 2007, Serbia declared military neutrality and in spite of its EU membership aspirations, developed very close relations with Moscow. The objective of this paper is threefold. First, I argue that in order to understand why Serbia declared military neutrality, one has to look both at the discursive terrain and domestic power struggles. The key narrative that was strategically used by mnemonic entrepreneurs, most importantly by the former Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, to legitimize military neutrality was the trauma of NATO intervention in 1999 and the ensuing secession of Kosovo. In the second part of the paper, I discuss the operational consequences of the military neutrality policy for Serbia's relations with NATO and Russia, as well as for military reform and EU accession. Finally, I spell out the challenges ahead in Serbia's neutrality policy and argue that its decision makers will increasingly be caught between pragmatic foreign policy requirements on the one hand and deeply entrenched traumatic memories on the other.
EN
The objective of this paper was to analyze the socio-cultural and personal reasons pivotal to the openness of the conflicting parties to a dialogue in the framework of family mediation. In the quest to answer the question what factors can influence the development of the family mediation in Poland and its acceptance both by the society and the families in conflict, the author presented the results of international and Polish research on the efficacy of the family mediation process and the readiness of the parties to use the mediation in family conflicts. Two theoretical concepts characterizing the socio-cultural origins of resistance to mediation were analyzed in detail, namely that of the social resistance proposed by B. Mayer and that of the moral resistance by R. Benjamin. Moreover, the paper addressed the issue of the promotion of mediation together with the unrealistic expectations as to what can be achieved through mediation, mythologization of mediation and dilemma connected with the neutrality of the mediator. Finally, an integrated systemic approach to family mediation was proposed, which could enhance the chances of acceptance of the mediation by the parties in conflict. In essence it is proposed that the promotion of mediation should be exercised on three levels: (1) general societal level (to promote the winwin solutions in family conflicts), (2) level of specific educational activities for the conflicted parties (e.g. organization of pre-mediation consultative meetings), and (3) level of specific actions targeted at various professional groups (e.g. judges, lawyers, probation officer, employees of the family support centres, etc).
EN
Heuristic methodology attempts to outline the justifications, philosophical assumptions, and rules for the scholarly study of human affairs in order to prevent such study from violating the rights of others and enable it to produce valuable knowledge. To solve this problem, the author draws theoretical support from his game-coordination solution to the agency/structure dilemma and takes inspiration from Garfinkel’s concept of ‘doing sociology’ and from the ‘epistemology’ of the independent justice-seeking court, which for centuries has developed procedural principles and rules that balance the protection of human rights with effective investigation. The study of human affairs is conceived as a sequence of three types of choices – search, hermeneutic, and presentation choice – in order to guarantee that such study become a responsible strategic and epistemological game. The resulting heuristic strategy is characterised in mainly procedural terms by the two closely related principles: of study independence and of review.
EN
Historical experiences and a long common border with Russia have obviously influenced Finland's security policy, which has been continuous since the end of the Cold War. It was invariably based on: independent and credible defense of its territory (mainly land), membership in the European Union and military non-alignment. A real "revolution" in Finnish security doctrine occurred after Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The war in its immediate neighborhood forced Finland to revise its security policy. The decision to join NATO is a breakthrough because, as a result, Finland abruptly broke with many years of neutrality and military non-alignment. For the first time in its history, Finland became a member of a formal military alliance. The aim of the text is to analyze Finland's security policy from the adoption of the doctrine of neutrality through partnership with NATO to membership in the Alliance.
PL
Doświadczenia historyczne i długa, wspólna granica z Rosją w sposób oczywisty wpłynęły na fińską politykę bezpieczeństwa, w której od zakończenia zimnej wojny zachodziła ciągłość. Niezmiennie opierała się ona na: niezależnej i wiarygodnej obronie swojego terytorium (głównie lądowego), członkostwie w Unii Europejskiej i niezaangażowaniu wojskowym. Prawdziwa „rewolucja” w fińskiej doktrynie bezpieczeństwa nastąpiła po inwazji Rosji na Ukrainę w lutym 2022 roku. Wojna w najbliższym sąsiedztwie zmusiła Finlandię do zrewidowania swojej polityki bezpieczeństwa. Decyzja o przystąpieniu do NATO jest przełomowa, gdyż w jej następstwie Finlandia raptownie zerwała z wieloletnią neutralnością i niezaangażowaniem wojskowym. Po raz pierwszy w swojej historii Finlandia stała się członkiem sformalizowanego sojuszu wojskowego. Celem tekstu jest analiza polityki bezpieczeństwa Finlandii od przyjęcia doktryny neutralności, przez partnerstwo z NATO, aż do członkostwa w Sojuszu.
EN
This article deals with the main ideas of adherents to secularization, underlying the necessity for a separation between public and religious institutions. Religion is understood only as a private matter, pertaining to the spiritual life of its believers. Arguments for the public marginalization of religion refer to a lack of biblical legitimization for the church as an institution and the possibly negative consequences that are generated by religious ethics. Another matter is weltanschaulich, the neutrality of the state. Adherents to this neutrality speak about cultural and religious pluralism and the specific character of positive religions, which are not intersubjective.
PL
Artykuł ukazuje podstawowe idee zwolenników sekularyzacji, podkreślających konieczność oddzielenia instytucji publicznych i religijnych. Religia jest rozumiana jako sprawa prywatna, ukierunkowana na duchowe życie swoich wyznawców. Podstawowymi argumentami na rzecz publicznej marginalizacji religii są brak biblijnej legitymizacji dla istnienia i funkcjonowania instytucji Kościoła oraz potencjalne negatywne implikacje etyki religijnej. Zwolennicy neutralności światopoglądowej wskazują na faktyczny pluralizm światopoglądowy oraz specyficzny charakter religii pozytywnych, pozbawionych intersubiektywnego charakteru.
Avant
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2017
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vol. 8
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issue 3
PL
Lewa ręka ciemności jest jedną z najsłynniejszych powieści amerykańskiej autorki science fiction i fantasy Ursuli K. Le Guin, nie tylko ze względu na jej walory literackie, ale również z uwagi na podjęcie w niej pewnego eksperymentu myślowego – przedstawienia społeczności hermafrodytów. Z perspektywy filozofii płci i feministycznych idei, migrujących na przestrzeni ostatnich dziesięcioleci pomiędzy równością a różnicą, pomysł wcielenia istoty ludzkiej w koncept androgyne i zbudowania na tej podstawie alternatywnej wizji społeczeństwa oraz intymnych relacji, wydaje się warty uwagi. Zwłaszcza, że wnioski płynące z tego literackiego eksperymentu nie są jednoznaczne, a nawet – jak pokazują niektóre krytyczki pisarstwa le Guin – feministycznie rozczarowujące.Jak stara się to zobrazować le Guin, przynależność do płci silnie wpływa na całość ludzkiej egzystencji, zatem bezmiar konotacji związanych z takim eksperymentem wydaje się zarówno otwierający, jak i przytłaczający. Pomimo więc, że zamierzenie le Guin jest z gruntu feministyczne, to jego implementacja potyka się o utrwalone kulturowo wzorce definiowania obu płci, a w szczególności o pułapki językowe związane z uprzywilejowaniem męskich form gramatycznych poprzez ich utożsamienie z sensem uniwersalnym. Męskość ponownie okazuje się normą myślenia o człowieku tout court, uprzywilejowaną na subtelnym, językowym poziomie, nawet przy próbie wypowiedzenia androgyniczności. Na przykładzie podjętego przez le Guin projektu zastanawiam się więc nad genderowym uwikłaniem kategorii androgyne i możliwością jej nieuprzedzonego wypowiedzenia, a także nad rolą literatury science fiction w tego typu przedsięwzięciach.
EN
The Left Hand of Darkness is one of the most famous novels by an American science fiction and fantasy author Ursula K. Le Guin, not only due to its literary qualities but also because it engages in a certain mental experiment – it introduces an androgynous community. From the perspective of gender philosophy and feminist ideas migrating over the last decades between equality and difference, the idea of incorporating a human being into the concept of androgyne and building on it an alternative vision of society and intimate relations seems worth our attention, especially since the conclusions drawn from this literary experiment are not unequivocal, and even – as some of the female critics of Le Guin demonstrate – are feministically disappointing. As Le Guin tries to illustrate, the fact of gender belonging strongly affects the whole of human existence; thus the abundance of connotations associated with such an experiment seems to be both opening and overwhelming. Despite the fact that Le Guin’s intention is fundamentally feminist, its implementation stumbles on culturally established patterns of defining both sexes, and in particular on language traps associated with privileging male grammatical forms by identifying them with a universal sense. Masculinity once again proves to be the norm of thinking about human beings in general, privileged at a subtle, linguistic level, even when attempting to speak of androgyny. On the example of the project taken up by Le Guin, I reflect on the gender involvement of the androgyne category and the possibility of its unprejudiced expression, as well as the role of science fiction literature in such undertakings
Avant
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2017
|
vol. 8
|
issue 3
EN
The Left Hand of Darkness is one of the most famous novels by an American science fiction and fantasy author Ursula K. Le Guin, not only due to its literary qualities but also because it engages in a certain mental experiment – it introduces an androgynous community. From the perspective of gender philosophy and feminist ideas migrating over the last decades between equality and difference, the idea of incorporating a human being into the concept of androgyne and building on it an alternative vision of society and intimate relations seems worth our attention, especially since the conclusions drawn from this literary experiment are not unequivocal, and even – as some of the female critics of Le Guin demonstrate – are feministically disappointing. As Le Guin tries to illustrate, the fact of gender belonging strongly affects the whole of human existence; thus the abundance of connotations associated with such an experiment seems to be both opening and overwhelming. Despite the fact that Le Guin’s intention is fundamentally feminist, its implementation stumbles on culturally established patterns of defining both sexes, and in particular on language traps associated with privileging male grammatical forms by identifying them with a universal sense. Masculinity once again proves to be the norm of thinking about human beings in general, privileged at a subtle, linguistic level, even when attempting to speak of androgyny. On the example of the project taken up by Le Guin, I reflect on the gender involvement of the androgyne category and the possibility of its unprejudiced expression, as well as the role of science fiction literature in such undertakings
PL
Lewa ręka ciemności jest jedną z najsłynniejszych powieści amerykańskiej autorki science fiction i fantasy Ursuli K. Le Guin, nie tylko ze względu na jej walory literackie, ale również z uwagi na podjęcie w niej pewnego eksperymentu myślowego – przedstawienia społeczności hermafrodytów. Z perspektywy filozofii płci i feministycznych idei, migrujących na przestrzeni ostatnich dziesięcioleci pomiędzy równością a różnicą, pomysł wcielenia istoty ludzkiej w koncept androgyne i zbudowania na tej podstawie alternatywnej wizji społeczeństwa oraz intymnych relacji, wydaje się warty uwagi. Zwłaszcza, że wnioski płynące z tego literackiego eksperymentu nie są jednoznaczne, a nawet – jak pokazują niektóre krytyczki pisarstwa le Guin – feministycznie rozczarowujące.Jak stara się to zobrazować le Guin, przynależność do płci silnie wpływa na całość ludzkiej egzystencji, zatem bezmiar konotacji związanych z takim eksperymentem wydaje się zarówno otwierający, jak i przytłaczający. Pomimo więc, że zamierzenie le Guin jest z gruntu feministyczne, to jego implementacja potyka się o utrwalone kulturowo wzorce definiowania obu płci, a w szczególności o pułapki językowe związane z uprzywilejowaniem męskich form gramatycznych poprzez ich utożsamienie z sensem uniwersalnym. Męskość ponownie okazuje się normą myślenia o człowieku tout court, uprzywilejowaną na subtelnym, językowym poziomie, nawet przy próbie wypowiedzenia androgyniczności. Na przykładzie podjętego przez le Guin projektu zastanawiam się więc nad genderowym uwikłaniem kategorii androgyne i możliwością jej nieuprzedzonego wypowiedzenia, a także nad rolą literatury science fiction w tego typu przedsięwzięciach.
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Neutralność światopoglądowa

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EN
In this paper I focus on the concept of neutrality taken in the meaning typical for political discussions concerning e.g. the religious neutrality of the state. I take it for granted that the huge majority of educated people belonging to the so called “western culture” would agree that the most important institutions of our social life – such as schools, courts, and parliaments – should be neutral in this sense. But on the other hand it is extremely difficult to formulate a set of precise and reliable criteria allowing us to exclude particular statements, arguments or kinds of discourse as violating this principle of neutrality. The sad truth is that the term “neutrality”, even if restricted to the meaning that is relevant to this paper, is rather vague. Nevertheless I want to propose three types of criteria that can be helpful in attaining this goal. They will be termed: (i) content criterion, (ii) epistemic criterion, and (iii) pragmatic criterion. It seems that if we apply all these criteria together, we will be able to secure a reasonable degree of neutrality in our public debates.
EN
One of the solutions simplifying the current tax system was to introduce a VAT group into the legal system. This legislative procedure has become popular in other European Union countries, but on the basis of the provisions of the Act of 11 March 2004 on tax on goods and services, it is a significant novelty. Undoubtedly, the legislator in the Council Directive 2006/112/EC of 28 November 2006 on the common system of value added tax, which is the basis for the introduction of the VAT group in the tax system, was primarily aimed at supporting entrepreneurs in their settlements. What is more, in the science of tax law, it is postulated not only to implement the discussed mechanism in all EU countries, but also to significantly „loosen” the requirements for their creation and to extend the scope of their application to give them a maximum cross-border character. The purpose of this study is to indicate selected legal aspects concerning the VAT group in the context of the challenge of simplifying the tax system. The analysis is to emphasize the complexity of the title institution, primarily in terms of the growing importance of this mechanism in the tax systems of other EU countries. The study puts forward a thesis that the new legal solutions, contributing to the simplification of tax settlements, will make neutral settlement of transactions subject to VAT possible for the first time in thirty years.
PL
Jednym z rozwiązań upraszczających obowiązujący system podatkowy miało być wprowadzenie do obiegu prawnego grupy VAT. Niniejszy zabieg legislacyjny stał się popularny w innych krajach Unii Europejskiej (UE), lecz na gruncie przepisów ustawy z dnia 11 marca 2004 r. o podatku od towarów i usług2 stanowi istotne novum. Niewątpliwie prawodawca w dyrektywie Rady 2006/112/WE z dnia 28 listopada 2006 r. w sprawie wspólnego systemu podatku od wartości dodanej3, będącej podstawą do wprowadzenia grupy VAT w systemie podatkowym, miał na celu przede wszystkim wsparcie przedsiębiorców w ich rozliczeniach. Co więcej, w nauce prawa podatkowego postuluje się nie tylko wdrożenie omawianego mechanizmu we wszystkich krajach UE, ale również znaczne „poluzowanie” wymagań co do ich tworzenia oraz poszerzenie zakresu ich zastosowania, by nadać im maksymalnie transgraniczny charakter. Celem niniejszego opracowania jest wskazanie wybranych aspektów prawnych dotyczących grupy VAT przez pryzmat wyzwania, jakim jest uproszczenie systemu podatkowego. Przeprowadzona analiza ma zaakcentować złożoność tytułowej instytucji, przede wszystkim z perspektywy rosnącego znaczenia tego mechanizmu w systemach podatkowych pozostałych krajów UE. W opracowaniu postawiono tezę, że nowe rozwiązania prawne dzięki temu, że przyczyniają się do uproszczenia rozliczeń podatkowych, sprawią, że po raz pierwszy od 30 lat realne stanie się neutralne rozliczanie transakcji podlegających VAT.
EN
Mediation is an alternative way to resolve a dispute, and very effective way for that matter. Mediation is the process of resolving a conflict between parties, a process which has its own principles and certain rules. The principles of mediation constitute an integral part of this process and its basis.
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Lacey’s concept of value-free science

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EN
Many philosophers of science have maintained that science should be value-free; still others believe that such ideal is neither achievable nor desirable for science. Hugh Lacey is presently one of the main supporters of the idea of value-free science and his theory is probably the most debated today and attracts the most attention and criticism. Th erefore, in this text, I will primarily analyze his theory of value-free science. Aft er briefl y defi ning the notion of value I highlight which strategy Lacey chooses to lay a fi rm foundation for the concept of science without value, with his starting point being the diff erentiation between cognitive and non-cognitive values. Th en I describe three basic characteristics of Lacey’s value-free science: impartiality, neutrality, and autonomy. However, the overall plan and design of his project, together with some concrete steps he takes, are not without problems in our view. I will try to point out some of these problematic issues and provide brief suggestions for alleviating them.
CS
Mnoho fi losofů vědy hájí názor, že věda by neměla být zatížena hodnotami; jiní jsou nicméně přesvědčeni, že takový ideál je nejen nedosažitelný, ale není ani žádoucí. Hugh Lacey je v současnosti jedním z hlavních zastánců ideje vědy bez hodnot a jeho teorie je dnes pravděpodobně nejdiskutovanější a přitahuje nejvíce zájmu i kritiky. V předkládaném textu se proto primárně věnujeme jeho koncepci vědy nezatížené hodnotami. Poté, co v krátkosti charakterizujeme pojem hodnoty, vykreslujeme strategii, kterou Lacey volí, aby položil pevné základy své koncepce. Výchozím bodem je rozlišení mezi kognitivními a nekognitivními hodnotami, následuje popis tří základních charakteristik vědy bez hodnot: nestrannosti, neutrality a autonomie. Nicméně celkový rozvrh a výstavba tohoto projektu nejsou z našeho pohledu bez nedostatků, proto v závěru textu na některé z těchto problematických aspektů poukazujeme a pokoušíme se podat stručné návrhy na jejich odstranění.
EN
Neutrality in Moldova is treated by the state authorities as a strategy that could guarantee survival in the international environment. Despite being referred to even in the country’s constitution, Moldova’s neutrality is a state not recognized by the international community, which is mostly due to an inconsistent foreign policy. Under such circumstances, Moldova is torn between two strategies: the betterment of the relationship with Russia, or tightening the cooperation with the West. Both strategies are problematic, yet they seem more adequate than the strategy of inconsistent neutrality pursued thus far.
PL
Neutralność w Mołdawii traktowana jest przez władze państwa jako strategia, która mogłaby zagwarantować przetrwanie w środowisku międzynarodowym. Niemniej, mimo osadzenia w prawie państwowym (w ustawie zasadniczej), Mołdawia nie posiada gwarancji międzynarodowych dla swojego statusu neutralności, co wynika przede wszystkim z niekonsekwentnej polityki zagranicznej. Mołdawia stoi przed wyborem dwóch strategii: pierwszej, polegające na zacieśnieniu relacji z Zachodem; drugiej, na polepszeniu relacji z Rosją i mimo, że wybór każdej ze ścieżek wiązałby się z wysokim ryzykiem, wydają się one lepsze od polityki pozorowanej neutralności, jaką państwo to dotychczas prowadziło.
EN
In the contemporary philosophy secularism is broadly discussed. However, the problem is far more complex than it may seem at the first glance. For secularism is not only state’s separation from religion, but also a number of other postulates and presumptions which are often forgotten. Charles Taylor presents his theory of secularism in the book Secularism and Freedom of Conscience where he distinguishes two groups of postulates of secularism. In this article I will focus myself on five matters concerning the postulate of neutrality towards religion, which arises on the grounds of Taylor concept, but also transcend it. Reflections on the state’s neutrality towards religion also constitute a ground to ask about the sense of secularism and its real application in public life.
PL
Wokół sekularyzacji toczy się obecnie ożywiona dyskusja. Problem ten jest jednak o wiele bardziej złożony niż mogłoby się wydawać. Sekularyzacja bowiem to nie tylko rozdział państwa od religii, lecz również szereg innych postulatów i założeń, o których często się zapomina. Charles Taylor przedstawia swoją koncepcję sekularyzacji w dziele Secularism and Freedom of Conscience, gdzie wyróżnia dwie grupy postulatów sekularyzmu. W tym artykule skupie się na omówieniu sześciu kwestii związanych z postulatem neutralności państwa wobec religii, które pojawiają się na gruncie filozofii Taylora, lecz zarazem wykraczają poza nią. Rozważania nad neutralnością państwa wobec religii stanowią również podstawę do postawienia pytania o sensowność sekularyzacji i jej realne zastosowanie w życiu publicznym.
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