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EN
The term signs of offenses, including offenses of legal restrictions and customs duties on foreign trade, must be subject to criminal tax regulations. The domain of the separate disciplines of criminal law in the broad sense is also to define the principles of responsibility for the crime and customs offenses and to establish the conditions and rules of conduct in these matters, and it is carried out both at the investigation stage, as criminal proceedings. Criminal law also includes a tax provision in respect of specific (resulting from the subject autonomy in this area of criminal law) conditions related to the implementation of sanctions and punitive measures imposed as a hedge against the perpetrators of customs offenses . In other words, the criminal law lay down criminal tax form for administrative superstructure of the prohibitions and orders of customs.
PL
The term signs of offenses, including offenses of legal restrictions and customs duties on foreign trade, must be subject to criminal tax regulations. The domain of the separate disciplines of criminal law in the broad sense is also to define the principles of responsibility for the crime and customs offenses and to establish the conditions and rules of conduct in these matters, and it is carried out both at the investigation stage, as criminal proceedings. Criminal law also includes a tax provision in respect of specific (resulting from the subject autonomy in this area of criminal law) conditions related to the implementation of sanctions and punitive measures imposed as a hedge against the perpetrators of customs offenses . In other words, the criminal law lay down criminal tax form for administrative superstructure of the prohibitions and orders of customs.
PL
Currently, the concept of terrorism, which in recent years has intensified so much, it is still difficult to define, there are huge inconsistencies in both its defining and application. For many years, terrorism was linked with geographically and culturally distant countries, but the 20th and 21st centuries changed the face of this phenomenon, which did not resist globalization and has become one of the major problems that befits to face the modern world. The issue of terrorism, although investigated by many eminent scientists, and even though there are a great many scientific achievements in this subject, it is still a difficult problem and raises a lot of confusion of a legal-dogmatic nature, which the Author tried to highlight herein. The article presents the analysis of the concept of terrorism and illustrates the problems associated with the broad catalogue of definitions of this term. The main problems preventing continued unification of definition are presented. Furthermore, the text assumes the analysis of the legal state instrumental for combating terrorism, with particular focus on terrorist crime contained in the Polish Penal Code.
EN
Money laundering is one of the most serious white collar crimes that jeopardizes the proper functioning of the broad spectrum of business transactions, not only at the internal level but also at the international or even global level. Therefore it is extremely important to counteract money laundering at a wider than national level. Within the European Union complex anti-money laundering provisions are included in four EU Directives, which are covered in this article.
PL
Currently, the concept of terrorism, which in recent years has intensified so much, it is still difficult to define, there are huge inconsistencies in both its defining and application. For many years, terrorism was linked with geographically and culturally distant countries, but the 20th and 21st centuries changed the face of this phenomenon, which did not resist globalization and has become one of the major problems that befits to face the modern world. The issue of terrorism, although investigated by many eminent scientists, and even though there are a great many scientific achievements in this subject, it is still a difficult problem and raises a lot of confusion of a legal-dogmatic nature, which the Author tried to highlight herein. The article presents the analysis of the concept of terrorism and illustrates the problems associated with the broad catalogue of definitions of this term. The main problems preventing continued unification of definition are presented. Furthermore, the text assumes the analysis of the legal state instrumental for combating terrorism, with particular focus on terrorist crime contained in the Polish Penal Code.
EN
The right to freedom is one of the fundamental human rights. However, the said right to freedom, guaranteed by national and international laws, is subject to specific restrictions. One of the forms of restriction of human freedom is detention of a person suspected of having committed an offense applied in the law on petty offenses as a means of coercion. The legislator emphasizes that the application of this measure calls for compliance with basic principles — necessity and minimization, and the conditions for its use must be strictly fulfilled without the possibility to use the broad interpretation in this case.
EN
The aim of this article is to defi ne boundaries between crime and misdemeanours. The reference point for discussion are provisions of the Codes as well as out of them. First discussed part presents three main European models of responsibility for the misdemeanours (French, Austrian and German) and stages of development of the law on misdemeanours in Poland. The second part concerns strict criteria for delimiting areas of crime and delinquency. Particular attention is given to the following issues: decision-making body, breach or threat different to the penalty, the adjudicating authority, violating the legal interests, criminal threats and the degree of social harm. One of the conclusions of the thesis is the absence of the present possible solutions to the dispute over the qualitative or quantitative difference between the offenses
EN
This survey intends to critically inform the reader about new and further developments of criminological theories on causality and about how successful these theories have proved in empirical and practical terms during the last three decades. From the point of view of mainstream criminology the criminalbiological, criminalpsychological, criminalsociological, socialpsychological, victimological, critical-radical, feminist, postmodernist and integrated theories are being considered. Preceding this is a discussion of the theory of national choise, according to which criminality is based on a costprofit-analysis and which, empirically speaking, has not exactly held good. Among the criminalbiological approaches the theory of constitutional predisposition is being discussed which assumes an interaction between genes and environment to produce criminality. Since the studies on family, twins and adoption, while attempting to prove this interaction, show both theoretical and methodological shortcomings, this theory is being rejected. Under the headline of "criminalbiological theories" a discussion of mental illness and crime can be found. A psychiatrisation of crime is not held advisable: Only between 0.2 % and 2 % of all schizophrenic persons are arrested for violent crimes per year, which amounts 1.1 % to 2.3 % of the total arrests for violent crime. Among the criminalpsychological theories the following three approaches are being discussed: the psychopathological theory, the theory of criminal personality according to Hans Jürgen Eysenck and the biosocial theory of inherited criminal tendencies according to Sarnoff A. Mednick. It is proposed to give up the term "psychopathy'' altogether since it contradicts modern findings of dark field research that personality traits not socially desirable are restricted to and concentrated in only a small section of the human race. The theories of Eysneck and Mednick, according to which criminal behaviour is tfre result of interaction between certain social environmental factors and inherited predispositions of the central nervous system, have empirically not been sufficiently proven. The survey's emphasis lies on criminalsociological, socialpsychological and victimological theories. In the context o criminalsociological approaches the theories of social disorganization and of anomie are being discussed. A society is socially disorganized when social bonds dissolve, when social control breaks down and when interpersonal disorientation spreads among its members. The theory of social disorganization has been further developed inasmuch as the social structuring of delinquency areas has been described as a dynamic process and as the spiral-like social downfall and dereliction of a neighbourhood ("community crime career"). In empirical studies making use of data from accounts showing how people have become perpetrator or victim ("British Crime Surveys"), this theory of social disorganization has been widely confirmed. The theory of anomie has undergone further development by the adaptation of two new approaches: the theory of institutional anomie according to Steven F. Messner and Richard Rosenfeld and the theory of general strain according to Robert Agnew. The theory of institutional anomie underlines the extreme importance western societies ascribe to monetary success while at the same time not stressing the component of achieving this success by legal means. One institution – economy – assumes priority over all non-economic institutions such as family, education or politics, which on their part are only insufficiently capable of restricting the criminogenic pressure phenomenon, i.e. the overestimation of monetary success. According to the theory of general strain the incapability of reaching positively marked aims results in overstraining (pressure). This pressure can be measured by ascertaining the gap between aspirations (ideal aims) and expectations on the one hand and actual achievements and successes on the other. The socialpsychological theories, which are theories of social processes can be subdivided into theories of cognitive-social learning, control, interaction and life-course. According to the theory of cognitive-social learning a person acquires his/her behaviour by way of reinforcement and modeling. In self-reinforcement processes people both reward and punish themselves. Finally, this theory regards human learning as an active, cognitively controlled psychical process of assimilating experience. Criminal behaviour is learned by reaffirming (rewarding) it more than socially conforming behaviour. Delinquents acquire it in criminal subcultures, in which criminal behaviour is justified by means of neutralisation techniques as being "not really'' criminal. The theory of cognitive-social learning of criminal behaviour (the theory of differential reinforcement and imitation) has held good empirically and practically and has been complemented by the theory of crime seduction according to Jack Katz stating that the euphoria of criminal success is relevant factor. The robber f.i. is not only rewarded by his material profit but also by experiencing domination during the criminal act. Among the theories of control the theory of social bonds according to Travis Hirschi is widely appreciated in practical terms. Empirically speaking, however, it has not quite achieved what it promised. It has been further developed by the theory of self-control, according to which delinquents are persons with a low level of self-control as a result from ineffective and inadequate socialization. Another new development is the theory of control balance according to Charles R. Tittle. The central statement of this theory is that the amount of control a person is subjected to, as compared to the control this person exercises, influences both the probability of committing delinquencies and the possibility to commit certain types of crime. The theory of interaction, which is a theory of social process, has been converted in the seventies and eighties to a radical socialstructural labeling approach. Control institutions (f.i police, law-courts) are assumed to produce delinquency and criminality by selectively sanctioning the lower class in the order to preserve the power of the ruling class. In the nineties, however, the interaction theory is distancing itself from this radical power conflict approach and reverting to its original focus: its connection to the cognitive-social learning theory. The interaction theory has been supplemented by the Australian criminologist John Braithwaite. He regards shame as an essential means of informal social control and distinguishes between reintegrative and disintegrative shaming. The life-course-theories are new developments stemming from the late eighties and early nineties. According to these theories, delinquency and criminality develop in interactive processes spanning the whole cycle of life. Developmental crirninology focusses on the questions why people become delinquent (onset, activation), why their delinquencies continue (maintenance), why delinquencies often increase both in frequency and in seriousness (acceleration, escalation, aggravation) and, lastly, why people stop being delinquent (deceleration, desistance, termination). It is concept of casuality is dynamic and interactive. Personal and social damages cause delinquency and criminality which in their turn again result in personal and social damages. Basically, three life-course-theories have recently been developed: the interaction theory by Terence P. Thornberry, the theory of social turning-points by Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub and the theory of criminal tendencies by David P. Farrington. Victimological theories open a range of completely new criminal-aetiological perspectives. For victimogenesis (enquiring into the causes for becoming a victim) the model of lifestyle-exposure and opportunity deals with the probability of individuals being in certain places at certain times and under certiatin circumstances and thereby meeting certain categories of people. The routine-activity-theory according to Lawrence E. Cohen and Marcus Felson distinguishes between three elements: a motivated offender, a suitable target and the absence of capable protectors (guardians) of this object against a violation. The routine-activity-approach accordingly predicts the highest risk of delinquency when the victim's suitability is highest: best social visibility, easiest access, strongest attraction and when the level of object observation is low. The routine-activity-theory has been further developed into a structural-choise model of victimization. Within this reconsidered and verified model the nearness and protection of a potential victim represent components of choise. The critical-radical school in modern criminology intends to develop an alternative to mainstream criminology and in the long run to replace mainstream criminology. While having achieved their first aim, thus far they have failed in thier second. The critical-radical school of thought can be divided into three theories: According to marxist theory the basis of crime can be found in the contradictions of capitalism oppresing and exploiting the working class. Crime originates in the basic conflict between the bourgeoisie and the working class, which is a conflict of power and interests. The anarchistic theory aims at showing that that kind of justice by which our modern1egal system defines itself is in reality a facade for an intrinsic system of institutionalized injustice. Left-wing realism holds a „theory” consisting of four variables: victim, offender, state agencies and the public. Without disregarding the victims of so-called street-crimes, radical realism is based not-only on comprehending the victimization of the offender by the state, but also on the understanding of victimizition of the working class by the working class. Feminist theories in criminology focus on the four following issues: the problem of generalization: It is questionable whether the criminological theories developed so far are readily applicable to women and girls; the problem of gender relations: an explanation is required on why women and girls; commit fewer and less serious crimes and delinquencies than man and boys and how significant a factor masculinity is for the genesis of crime; the victimalization problem: Both the manifestations and the causes of male physical and sexual violence towards woman have to be describeds much more accurately; the problem of equal treatment of man and woman in the criminal justice system: It is questionable whether the principles of masculinity or feminity, should define the climate of the criminal justice system. Constutive criminology is a postmodernist school. It questions the attempt of institutions and individuals to claim priority of ''expert'' knowledge. Truth to them is a form of domination. Linked with constitutive criminology is the peacemaking criminology, which tries to soothe human sufferings and reduce criminality in this way. Solutions of the criminal justice system are rejected as violent. Individual violence cannot be overcome through state violence. Integrated theories attempt to take the best of every ''middle-range" theory and combine this into a more comprehensive new theory. Finally, as an example of an integrated theory, John Hagan's theory of power control is put forward which aims at explaining the lower frequency and seriousness of woman's criminality and girls' delinquency by looking at patriarchy and class structures.
EN
The paper shows various approaches to the perpetrator of crime, and practical consequences of the specific point of view adopted. The object is not to point to ready solutions or to declare for or against the discussed views, but to give an outline of the variety of problems that concern the person of offender, and to mention the related questions and issues. Discussed have been the general theoretical problems related to the person of offender; psychological problems; those arising from the fact that the offender has been made subject of criminological research; and the problems of the image of offender functioning in public opinion. Whether we formulate criminological theories or adopt definite practical solutions, questions cannot be avoided about the offender as a human being, about his rights, the extent of his freedom and responsibility, his relationship with society, and the limits of a just and permissible intervention in those rights and liberties. The problems mentioned in this relation point to the need for the problems of offender to be considered in a broad philosophical perspective based on a moral reflection. The discussion of psychological problems is focused on two issues. The first of them are the psychological conceptions of man which provide explanations of the offender’s criminal behaviour and lead to conclusions as to the treatment of offenders. Those problems have been exemplified by behaviourist and psychoanalytical  ideas and the conception of  humanistic psychology. Another important psychological problem is whether the offender’s behaviour that violates the legal norms results from his personality traits or has been conditioned by the situation in which he found himself. Studies point to complexity of this problem and  to the fact that both personality and situation influence criminal behaviour. At the same time, some individuals are particularly resistant and others particularly susceptible to situations conducive to that behaviour. There are also situations in which an offence is particularly easily committed. Among them, there are the rapid changes found during great historic events and social transformations, as well as the situations, most and sotimes even extremely difficult, created by socio-political systems. In some offences, situation is a most important factor; in others the offender’s personality plays a greater part. This complexity of the problem should be taken into account when deciding about a given offender in the practical operation of criminal justice. The image of offender obtained in criminological studies of convicted persons is connected with a variety of problems. Some of tchem arise from the very definition of offender. It is a most general notion, related to the legislation in  force in a given country at a given moment, and designating perpetrators of a great variety of acts which may result from different situations and psychological mechanisms. A question arises whether a single act, possibly jus an episode, may really constitute a good criterion to distinguish a given individual from others who have not committed such an act: whether that act is an isolated event only or results from the given person’s way of living. What also matters for the picture of a convicted offender obtained in studies is the process of selection to which he had been subjected before the offence was revealed, criminal proceedings instituted, and the offender convicted. A factor essential for that selection, for decisions concerning the offender, and for his readaptation to life in society after release is the stereotype of offender which functions in public opinion. As shown by studies, that stereotype is shaped by fear and the thirst for revenge on a person who is perceived as a threat but at the same time treated as a distant stranger. A condemnation of certain acts makes the Public realize the noxiousness of those acts and shapes moral attitudes. But the condemnation of acts does not have to lead to a similar disapproval of their perpetrators. It is most necessary to conduct criminological research and to provide society with straightforward information about the findings.
EN
The issue of the article are precautions reformed by the Act of 20 February 2015. The following were discussed: the purpose of precautions, the principles of their predications (the principles of necessity and proportionality), a catalog of precautions, including an electronic control of location, therapy, therapy of addictions, stay in the psychiatric unit, measures of an administrative nature, presumptions to predicate precautions, namely committing a criminal act in the state of insanity or limited soundness of mind, a conviction for certain offenses in relation to the disorder of sexual preferences or personality disorder, a conviction for an offense committed in connection with alcohol addiction, intoxicant addiction or other substance with similar effect, the duration of precautions, predication of precautions after the sentence and renewed predication of a precaution.
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EN
In the article the Author explains l) the preliminary investigation according to the Code of Canon Law of 1983, 2) the preliminary investigation in the selected documents issued after the Code of Canon Law of 1983 and 3) offenses under pain of dismissal from the clerical state. The legislator included in can. 1717-1719 of the Code of Canon Law of 1983 provisions obliged the ordinary to conduct the preliminary investigation. This investigation precedes a possible penal process. The preliminary investigation can be defined as a preparatory measure aimed at detecting a crime, circumstances of an offense and inquiring the imputability of perpetrator. This stage of proceeding is marked by a caution and prudence lest anyone's good name be endangered by this investigation. Due to the nature of the punishment – dismissal from the clerical state – the investigator inquiring the facts and circumstances of an offense has to be prudent.
PL
Po odzyskaniu przez Polskę niepodległości, wraz z potrzebą jednolitej organizacji spółdzielczości, pojawiła się konieczność wprowadzenia mechanizmów ochronnych dla kooperatyw. Pierwsza polska ustawa o spółdzielniach wdrożyła nie tylko system rewizji, jak określano wówczas lustrację, ale także instrumenty karnoprawne. Pierwszy z cyklu artykułów dotyczących odpowiedzialności karnej w prawie spółdzielczym poświęcony jest regulacjom prawa karnego materialnego w prawie spółdzielczym, obowiązującym w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Autor omawia nie tylko przestępstwa, ale także delikty, określane przez ustawodawcę jako przewinienia, które zagrożone były nie karą kryminalną lecz porządkową, nakładaną przez sąd rejestrowy.
EN
After Poland regained independence, along with the need for a unified organization of cooperative movement, emerged a need to introduce protective mechanisms for cooperatives. The first Polish Act on cooperatives introduced not only a system of revision, as lustration was called at the time, but also criminal law instruments. The first of a series of articles on criminal liability in cooperative law is devoted to substantive criminal law regulations in cooperative law in force during the interwar period. The author discusses not only crimes, but also delicts, defined by the legislator as offenses, which were threatened not by criminal punishment but by order punishment imposed by the registry court.
EN
This paper aims to analyze the responsibility of minors for their crimes in context of the 1982 act on proceedings with minors, as well as with article 10§2 of the Penal Code. It argues that the fundament in judicial adjudication on minors is the 1982 act. Court does not „sentence” them on serving in correctional institution, but he „decides” on their placement there. Correctional measure, is obviously a unique mean of restricting freedom, but it is not perceived as a penalty. Penal Code on the other hand, can be used only in strictly specified circumstances, listed in article 10§2 of the Penal Code. Based on the Penal Code, the responsibility of minor is unique.
EN
The problem of offences against economy, where the value of misappropriated property exceeds 100,000 zlotys, is a particular criminological problem. The peculiar character of this type of crime results from the fact, firstly, that a new type of property - that is social property - comes into question, and secondly, that the category of perpetrators of such offences has not yet been closely studied nor described.  Though the property discussed here is called “social” - in the social consciousness the opinion has fixed itself that, managed , by the State officials, it is a property of the State, alienated, “belonging to nobody” and not to all of the citizens. On account of this, the moral norm “thou shalt not steal” assented to by a large majority of the Polish society, does not apply to this kind of property to the same degree as to private property owned by a definite person. The persons guilty of misappropriation of social’ property of a considerable and great value (that is, over 100,000 zlotys) frequently enjoy a reputation of good specialists, efficient organizers and friendly colleagues. Taking advantage of the others’ trust in them, they appropriate the property under their control in the course of their duties for the protection of which they are responsible. In the present study, one fundamental problem is formulated: what are the characteristics of persons convicted of misappropriation of social property of a considerable value, what are the most frequent motives of their offences and the circumstances of committing them. To find the answers to the above questions, the criminological-psychological examination whose sentenced had become valid in 1969 and 1970 for misappropriation of social property of a value exceeding 100,000 zlotys, to the detriment of the institutions they worked in, where they were responsible for protection of this property. The study represents the social and demographic characterization of 100 perpetrators of misappropriation of property, based on the analysis of court files and records concerning their financial standing. The second part of the study includes a psychological characteristics elaborated on the grounds of detailed individual psychological examination. 54 persons of the 100 whose files had been analysed were included in the psychological examination, as it was for many reasons impossible to reach all of the offenders. The following statements based on the social and demographic data are worthy of attention: - In the group of persons guilty of misappropriation of property of a considerable and great value, the percentage of women is much higher than in the entire population of the convicted offenders. In 1970, women constituted 11% of all persons aged 21- 65, whose sentences had become valid, while the percentage of women in the group under scrutiny was 34%. - The age of the offenders varied greatly (21-65), while the majority were aged 41-50. - The level of education of the offenders, with those with over elementary education prevailing (59%), was somewhat higher than that of all employees in national economy. - The type of job of the offenders was closely connected with their sex. Women are mainly employed in book-keeping departments, while men worked in purchasing centres and warehouses. 41% of Women and 56% of men occupied executive posts, which where, however, of lower grade, for example head of department. - As regards such demographic variables as social background, place of birth and residence, duration of work etc., the offenders did not differ significantly from the  population of non-offenders. - The analysis of a family situation reveals no differences between the offenders at the time of apprehension and the entire population. The majority of them were married and had usually one or two children. A detailed analysis of the records concerning the financial standing of the offenders in the period of commission of the offence revealed their financial situation, as measured by their monthly wages and the budget per 1 person to be as follows: - Te mean wage of the whale of the offenders were 105% of the mean country wage. - Income per 1 person in the household (properly calculated in relation to 1970) was 400-2065 zlotys. In the group of offenders with 4-person household, the mean income per 1 person was 1056 zlotys, that is, approximately the social minimum. In the group of offenders whose household are more numerous, the income in question was 446-804 zlotys and was thus below the social minimum. The delinquency of the persons examined was as follows: - Among the group of 100 persons, there were 16% previously convicted for various offences, including only 1 person convicted for an offence against property. There were no former juvenile delinquents among the persons under scrutiny. - The misappropriation of social property was committed single-handed  (54%) or in co-operation with other persons (46%). There existed a correlation between the form of commission of the offence and the type of job. Also the way in which the offence had been committed was related to the type of job. - The duration of criminal activities varied from 1 month to 15 years, the mean duration being 3 years 7 months. - The value of the property misappropriated by the offenders in 65% met the criteria of considerable value (over 100,000 to 200,000 zlotys) and in 35% - that of great value (over 200,000 zlotys). - The offenders had been sentenced for the misappropriation of property to 5 - 15 years of imprisonment (mean 8 - 10 years) and to fines of 50- 300 thousand zlotys. Individual investigation which was a basis for psychological characteristics of the persons was carried on in prisons. The mean period of the hitherto isolation was 2 years. Information obtained in the present study as to the family background of the offenders, their life stories, education and professional work, excessive drinking etc., clearly differentiate this population amongst other groups of offenders as described in other studies. There were no persons with criminal records among the parents and siblings of the offenders, as well as those excessively drinking or shirking work. Likewise, no distinct disturbances in the family situation of the offenders, in the period preceding apprehension in prison, were found. A majority of them were married and performed their family duties properly. The percentage of men who could be recognized as excessively drinking, was comparatively low among the examined persons. -  The results of the intelligence test by means of the Wechsler-Bellevue Scale indicate no cases of lowered intelligence among the examined offenders. Mean IQ of the entire group was 116, that is over the average. The Eysenck's Personality Inventory revealed only small differences between the offenders and the control group derived from the population of Poland as regards the intensity of neurotism and extroversion. There was indeed lower intensity of extroversion among the men. Thus the obtained results did not confirm Eysenck's hypothesis that offenders were recruited from extrovertive neurotics. - As indicated by the accounts of the offenders as to the motives of committing the offence, nearly half of them were induced or even forced to commit it by their co-workers. Those who had initiated an offence were determined by a desire to get money they needed for amenities or to improve the living standards of their families, while the persons induced or forced to commit the offence were led first of all by the fear of losing their jobs. - Before they started their delinquent activity, the majority of the offenders had reflected on the possible consequences of their demeanour. They estimated the chances of avoiding penalty rather high, on the basis of their own professional experience, the acquaintance with their associates and the methods of supervision accepted in their places of employment. The circumstances that determined the fact that people similar to average non-criminal citizens in many respects, committed an offence, were as follows: on the one hand, a low in degree of internalization of the norm which prohibits stealing social property, accompanied by a strong “temptation” , and on the other hand, an estimation of high probability of avoiding awkward consequences, which resulted from: defective system of supervision, poor organization of work, uneconomical management, the climate of solidarity and tolerance towards the perpetrators of petty misappropriation of social property, and disorder in many institutions.
EN
This paper aims to analyze the responsibility of minors for their crimes in context of the 1982 act on proceedings with minors, as well as with article 10§2 of the Penal Code. It argues that the fundament in judicial adjudication on minors is the 1982 act. Court does not „sentence” them on serving in correctional institution, but he „decides” on their placement there. Correctional measure, is obviously a unique mean of restricting freedom, but it is not perceived as a penalty. Penal Code on the other hand, can be used only in strictly specified circumstances, listed in article 10§2 of the Penal Code. Based on the Penal Code, the responsibilty of minor is unique.
PL
Opracowanie niniejsze dotyczy odpowiedzialności nieletnich za dokonane przestępstwa. Precyzyjniej rzecz ujmując problemy odnoszą się do ustawy z 1982 r. o postępowaniu w sprawach nieletnich oraz do art. 10§2 kodeksu karnego. Podstawą do orzekania w sprawach nieletnich jest wspomniana powyżej ustawa z 1982 r. Sąd orzekając karę wobec nieletniego nie „skazuje go” na pobyt w zakładzie poprawczym lecz orzeka jego umieszczenie. Środek poprawczy jest, co prawda, środkiem izolacyjnym, stanowiącym wyjątkową formę pozbawiania wolności, lecz nie pełni funkcji kary. Natomiast z kodeksu karnego nieletni może odpowiadać tylko w ściśle wymienionych sytuacjach w art. 10§2 kodeksu karnego. Na podstawie kodeksu karnego nieletni odpowiada wyjątkowo.   This paper aims to analyze the responsibility of minors for their crimes in context of the 1982 act on proceedings with minors, as well as with article 10§2 of the Penal Code. It argues that the fundament in judicial adjudication on minors is the 1982 act. Court does not „sentence” them on serving in correctional institution, but he „decides” on their placement there. Correctional measure, is obviously a unique mean of restricting freedom, but it is not perceived as a penalty. Penal Code on the other hand, can be used only in strictly specified circumstances, listed in article 10§2 of the Penal Code. Based on the Penal Code, the responsibilty of minor is unique.
EN
This article describes the exchange of views of two eminent representatives of sciences, Jerzy Śliwowski and Leon Radzinowicz. A direct impulse for the exchange of views was given by J. Śliwowski's categorical position that penitentiary science is beginning to develop in the discipline of criminological sciences as an independent field of knowledge. These views prompted L. Radzinowicz to present a number of critical and polemical remarks. The article is a continuation of the discourse between scientists and presents their original views. In addition, it presents an analysis of the positions of both authors in terms of their legitimacy and accuracy in the context of views and trends in the interwar period, as well as an attempt to read their meaning for modern times.
PL
W niniejszym artykule opisano wymianę poglądów dwóch wybitnych przedstawicieli nauk, Jerzego Śliwowskiego i Leona Radzinowicza. Bezpośredni impuls do wymiany poglądów dało kategoryczne stanowisko J. Śliwowskiego, iż w dyscyplinie nauk kryminologicznych zaczyna się rozwijać nauka penitencjarna, jako samodzielna dziedzina wiedzy. Zapatrywania te dały asumpt do przedstawienia przez L. Radzinowicza szeregu uwag krytycznych i polemicznych. Artykuł jest kontynuacją dyskursu między naukowcami i prezentuje ich oryginale zapatrywania. Ponadto przedstawia analizę stanowisk obu autorów pod kątem ich zasadności i trafności w kontekście zapatrywań i trendów w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego, a także próbę odczytania ich znaczenia dla czasów współczesnych.
EN
The subject of this article is the problem regarding the use of non-criminal measures as a response to offenses, as well as an assessment of the effectiveness of such responses from the point of view of the possibility of implementing offenders to comply with the established legal order and principles of social coexistence. In connection with the non-criminal measure being applied to the perpetrator, however, there is a problem regarding the final termination of the offender's liability. Hence, the article discusses whether the application of such a measure against the perpetrator of the offense gives the case - of its kind - "status of res judicata" or whether it is still possible to institute legal proceedings against a given person and impose a specific penalty, including imposing a fine in the form of a criminal mandate.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są: problem dotyczący możliwości stosowania środków pozakarnych jako sposobu reagowania na wykroczenia oraz ocena skuteczności takich reakcji z punktu widzenia wdrożenia sprawców wykroczeń do przestrzegania ustalonego porządku prawnego i przyjętych zasad współżycia społecznego. W związku z zastosowaniem wobec sprawcy środka pozakarnego pojawia się jednak problem dotyczący zakończenia kwestii odpowiedzialności sprawcy wykroczenia. Stąd w artykule podjęte zostały rozważania dotyczące tego, czy zastosowanie takiego środka wobec sprawcy wykroczenia kończy sprawę, czy też nadal możliwe jest wszczęcie przeciw danej osobie postępowania sądowego i wymierzenie jej określonej kary, w tym nałożenie grzywny w formie mandatu karnego.
EN
Fragments of The Shepherd of Hermas and excerpts from The Digest issued under Justinian I and, first of all, from Ad legem Iuliam de adulteriis coërcendis (D. 48, 5) are analyzed to find possible similarities and differences in the area of obligations of a husband wronged by adultery who tolerates infringement of marital fidelity. Our study is focused on the structure of sinful, prohibited conduct of the adulteress’ husband, conditions excluding sinfulness and misconduct and prohibition of remarriage (related to adultery).
PL
Analizie poddane zostały fragmenty „Pasterza” Hermasa oraz wyimki z „regulacji julijskich”, wyinterpretowane ze źródeł jurydycznych pochodzących z Digestów justyniańskich, przede wszystkim z tytułu Ad legem Iuliam de adulteriis coërcendis (D. 48, 5), celem ustalenia ewentualnych podobieństw i rozbieżności w zakresie odpowiedzialności męża pokrzywdzonego cudzołóstwem, tolerującego naruszenie obowiązku wierności. Badania skoncentrowane zostały na strukturze grzesznych, przestępnych zachowań męża cudzołożnicy, warunkach wykluczających grzeszność i przestępność oraz na zakazie zawierania ponownego związku małżeńskiego, związanym z cudzołóstwem.
PL
Niniejsza publikacja skierowana jest do studentów kierunków bezpieczeństwa, podejmujących w swoich pracach licencjackich czy magisterskich próby zdefiniowania przestępczości i opisu zjawisk kryminogennych. Ma ona ułatwić studentom podjęcie decyzji o wybraniu określonych kategorii przestępczości, które podlegać będą badaniom i późniejszemu opisowi. Głównym przedmiotem badań są określone kategorie przestępczości, między innymi kryminalna przestępczość pospolita, zorganizowana, przestępczość narkotykowa czy przestępczość nieletnich. Studentom przedstawiono propozycje definicji odnoszących się do wybranych kategorii kryminologicznych przestępczości, jak i sugestie odnoszące się do opisu zjawisk w ujęciu statystycznym. Hipoteza zakłada, że: kryminalna przestępczość pospolita jest wciąż najliczniejszą kategorią w odniesieniu do statystyk przestępczości w ogóle, jednak jej udział w przestępczości rzeczywistej nie ma już charakteru wyraźnej dominacji. Tekst publikacji przedstawia zapis rozważań własnych autorów, popartych wieloletnim doświadczeniem służby w Policji, w odniesieniu do wybranych pozycji literatury fachowej.
EN
This publication is addressed to students of security studies who attempt to define crime and describe criminogenic phenomena when working on their undergraduate or graduate theses. It is intended to help students decide which specific categories of crime to study and later describe. The main focus of the study is on specific categories of crime, including common crime, organized crime, drug-related crime, and juvenile crime. Students are presented with proposed definitions within selected criminological categories of crime as well as with suggestions on how to describe these phenomena in statistical terms. The hypothesis is that common crime remains the largest category in overall crime statistics, but it does not clearly prevail in terms of actual crime. The contents of this article are the product of the authors’ considerations, supported by many years of police experience, with reference to selected items of literature.
EN
Domestic criminal legistation consistently applies the idea of dualism of crimes dividing them into felonies and misdemeanors. This demarcation has in mind primrily the gravity of the offenses. The bifurcation is mostly based on the degree of social harm resulting from the act. Homever infractions, with low social harm, do not qualify as either of the two. Dees classifi ed as “petty crime’’ do not arouse excessive emotions among the public. Such marginalization of the problem results in the judiciary brcaming increasingly inefficient and this kind of failure reflects badly on the whole criminal justice system.
PL
Rodzime ustawodawstwo karne w sposób konsekwentny przyjmuje dualizm przestępstw, dzieląc je na zbrodnie i występki. Rozgraniczenie to ma na uwadze głównie ciężar gatunkowy czynów zabronionych. Wyżej wymieniony rozdział miarkowany jest głównie szkodliwością społeczną czynu. Natomiast poza kategorią pozostają wykroczenia, które są odrębnym rodzajem czynów zabronionych o niskiej społecznej szkodliwości. Czyny kwalifi kowane do „drobnej przestępczości” nie wzbudzają wśród społeczeństwa nadmiernych emocji. Marginalizowanie problemu sprawia, iż sądownictwo staje się coraz bardziej niewydolne, a tego rodzaju niewydolność wystawia złe świadectwo całemu wymiarowi sprawiedliwości.
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