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Parytety i kwoty wyborcze a Konstytucja RP

100%
URBANIAK K.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2011
|
issue 2
67-78
EN
The issue of intensifying female participation in public life, and particularly in political life, has recently been the subject of lively discussions, in particular in the social sciences. The number of female candidates on the election ballots for representative organs is clearly insufficient in comparison to the size of the female electorate, as well as the abilities, skills and intellectual potential women occupy. This problem has also been widely discussed in Poland. As a result of these quite heated disputes and discussions, accompanied by an interesting exchange of views on the doctrine of electoral law, an instrument to increase female representation on election ballots (a quota system) was introduced into the Polish electoral system. The subject of this paper, however, is not the issue of the grounds or justification for the legal instruments applied, or an assessment of the activities of the state authorities or the institutions of public life in this respect. Rather, the paper analyzes the legal solutions introduced in Poland in order to increase the political participation of women from the point of view of their conformity with the regulations of the Constitution of the Polish Republic. For this purpose, the author refers both to the doctrine of constitutional law and the adjudications of the Constitutional Tribunal. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the ‘compensatory privilege’, introduced in law, is highly questionable in terms of its conformity with the Polish Constitution. In this light an amendment to the Constitution would be recommended, providing a constitu- tional status to the provisions on equality.
2
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Wiedźmy i dziwadła, czyli polska droga do parytetu

100%
KLEJDYSZ N.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2011
|
issue 2
79-90
EN
The next parliamentary elections in Poland will be held on the basis of the amended elec- toral law. The changes introduced involve a quota system: the ballots are required to provide for at least 35% of women and at least 35% of men. Nearly a hundred years passed from 1918, when Polish women first won voting rights, till the President of Poland signed the so-called parity law. It would not be true, however, to say that this was a century of struggle for the equality of rights of men and women in our country. It was only after 1989 that efficient steps could be taken in this area in Poland. Therefore, the quota system that has been introduced, to be tested in practice soon, is actually the consequence of twenty years of endeavors. The advocates of such a solution consider this to be the first step towards electoral parity. Following the solutions that numerous European countries have introduced, public debate in Poland increasingly more often refers to proposals to ‘spread’ the quota system, and then parity, also to other domains, such as management or education. The opening of a serious debate on these issues will to a large extent depend on the results of the recent quota changes of the electoral law.
3
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Predicting parity progression ratios for young women by the end of their childbearing life

94%
Rossa A., Palma A.
Statistics in Transition new series
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2020
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vol. 21
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issue 1
55-71
EN
Parity progression ratios (PPR's) have been extensively described in literature on demography and have played an important role in fertility, unlike the idea of calculating projected parity progression ratios proposed by Brass (1985). However, we decided to use this method in our paper to analyse future fertility trends, firstly by assessing age-specific parity progression ratios for women in childbearing ages, and then by comparing these ratios with ratios at the end of women's reproductive life, as well as by comparing the latter with the completed PPR's. More specifically, the aim of this study is to adopt a modified Brass method to calculate the projected parity progression ratios using the age-period fertility data sourced from the Human Fertility Database (HFD). We progress to use the observed and predicted age-specific PPR's to examine parity progressions in Poland as a case study.
4
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Haemocytometric profile and plasma levels of selected cytokines in patients at various stages of cervical cancer

83%
Alani Jimoh M., Adekunle Onifade A., Mpakaboari Abbiyesuku F., Fabian Edem V., Kadiri Rahamon S., Ganiyu Arinola O.
European Journal of Clinical and Experimental Medicine
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2023
|
issue 4
696-703
EN
Introduction and aim. Reports have shown that there is alteration in haematological and inflammatory processes in patients with cervical cancer. However, there is the dearth of information on the pattern of alteration in Nigerian patients with cervical cancer at various stages of the disease. Therefore, haemocytometric profile and plasma levels of interleukin-6 (IL-6) and IL-12 were determined in Nigerian patients with cervical cancer at various stages of the disease. Material and methods. Eighty-nine adults consisting of 49 patients with cervical cancer and 40 apparently healthy controls were enrolled into this study. Haemocytometric profile was determined using automated haematology analyzer while the plasma levels of interleukin-6 (IL-6) and IL-12 were determined using ELISA. Results. Of the participants with cervical cancer, 6.12%, 24.49%, 53.06% and 16.33% were in stages I, II, III and IV respectively. The mean plasma IL-6 level was significantly higher in patients at stage IV of the cancer compared with those in stages I, II and III. No significant differences were observed in the mean plasma IL-12 level, and the haemocytometric profile when patients in different stages of the cancer were compared with one another. Plasma IL-6 had significant positive correlation with the lymphocytes count and cancer stage but had significant negative correlation with packed cell volume (PCV), haemoglobin and total white blood cells count (WBC) in patients with cervical cancer. Conclusion. Interleukin-6 appears to play an important role in the progression of cervical cancer and could be involved in cervical cancer-associated alteration in haemocytometric profile.
5

Kwoty na listach wyborczych w 2011 roku. Przedwyborcza debata zwolenników i przeciwników parytetów

60%
Łukasik-Turecka A.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
|
2012
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vol. 4(40)
|
issue 3
127-138
EN
Held in June 2009, the Women’s Congress gave rise to a civic project of an act that would guarantee the candidates in the parliamentary elections an equal share in the political representation on the electoral lists. This project evoked a medial debate on the issue of parity in political representation. The debate lasted for a year and a half, granting both sides enough time to presents their lines of argumentation. The supporters of the idea of parity focused on the notion of social justice, social benefits from the use the resource of women’s aptitudes and competences, and on covering by political action of those areas of social life that had already been ignored by men. The opponents, on the other hand, pointed out that the idea of parity meant another top-down, despotic intervention in the statistic figures relating to the Polish society. This social action was also claimed to cause the danger of a never-ending spiral of conflicted claims and demands of newer and newer social groups. First and foremost, the idea of parity was said to ridicule the women-politicians, since it produced an image of a woman who is not capable of reaching political success without support. The medial debate moved from the press to the Polish parliament. The debate ended in a rise in the parity quota for the Polish parliamentary system to 35 per cent. When signed by the President of Poland, the new law became effective for the elections for the Polish and the European Parliaments, commune and district councils as well as provincial diets. The guaranteed 35 per cent did not bring about any significant increase in the presence of women in the Polish parliament. The percentage of their political representation in the parliament rose from 20 to 23 per cent.
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