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EN
In mid-2018, after the vote of no confidence to the government of Mariano Rajoy, the Socialists of PSOE took over the rule in Spain. In the article parliamentary debate on the objectives and directions of the foreign policy of the new cabinet is analyzed. The purpose of the analysis is to show the place of international affairs and foreign actions of the state in Spanish politics.
EN
The article presents the results of a mainly qualitative study of the speeches of deputies at the sittings of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland between 1997 and 2021 in terms of MPs’ references to natural law. On the basis of the Sejm transcripts, the deputies’ understanding of natural law and their perception of the relationship between this law and the statutory law were determined; examples of legal norms and rights that were assigned the natural law status were indicated, as well as the argumentative role of references to natural law in the parliamentary debate was presented. While approving the use of jusnaturalist argumentation in parliamentary discourse, the author also raised some reservations as to the practice of using this conceptual category by deputies. He also listed possible reasons for the gradual decrease in the number of cases of invoking natural law in the speeches of deputies at the sittings of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland in subsequent terms.
EN
The article approximates and critically assesses the philosophical and legal argumentation of deputies contained in their speeches at the sittings of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland of the 8th term (2015–2019). It discusses cases where parliamentarians, among other things, referred to the assumptions of particular philosophical-legal schools; commented on the essence, features, goals and values of law; argued about the optimal degree of positivisation of moral norms; quoted philosophers. The study revealed the influ-ence of the party affiliation of MPs on their philosophical and legal argumentation. Deputies of the Law and Justice Party more often than others referred in their speeches to the axiology of law and natural law, emphasized the importance of justice and equity in the process of enacting and applying the law, and underlined the role of social legitimacy of normative acts and court rulings. On the other hand, MPs belonging to the parliamentary opposition — especially the Civic Platform and the Modern Party members — high-lighted the formal rule of law, opposed bills perceived as moralistic and confessional, and sought in justice and equity as the criteria for judgements the sources of excessive judicial discretion that threatened legal certainty and security. In the author’s view, the broadly understood philosophy of law has a utilitarian value for the parliamentary debate. It is desirable, however, that MPs’ re-marks of a philosophical and legal nature should be part of factual argumentation, and not reduced to superficial rhetoric or linguis-tic ornamentation.
EN
The authors, describing the internal diversity of the politicians community code, pay special attention to the particular role of the Polish parliamentary debate. They suggest that concerning the sender receiver situation, three styles of parliamentary communication can be identified, namely: high, medium and low. The high style is mostly being used in lofty speeches, greetings, which are first of all moving. In the medium style maintained are substantive statements which concern the law creation, so their main role is to inform. Messages that only persuade, which are not essential, which go beyond parliamentary debate schedule, are performed in a low style. Examples of statements maintained in high style are the address and exposé. The last two speeches of Prime Minister Donald Tusk, in which he presented composition and plans of the new government, aroused much controversy. The first speech, according to media transmission, was emotionally moving. While the other lacked solemnity. The Prime Minister outlined a realistic picture of the difficult reality of crisis and indicated necessary economic solutions. The authors decided to analyze both speeches to verify these opinions. The analysis showed that both speeches belong to lofty speeches. The speaker in each of them used a common system of values. The only linguistic manifestations of aggression were a critical assessment of the previous government and the opposition. An exception were the fragments of speeches devoted to the plans, which, as a specialist speech, proved to be closer to the medium style.
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Parlamentarny spór o in vitro

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EN
In Poland, the in vitro fertilisation method has been used for over 25 years to treat infertile couples. The issues associated with IVF are permanently raised in parliamentary debates. The discussion in the parliament relates above all to the question who could benefit from the refund of the in vitro fertilization method, and on what basis. A statutory solution to the problem seems remote, if only because in the ruling party itself there are two bills and there is no consensus. However, there is one temporary solution, i.e. a health programme of the Minister of Health: Treatment of Infertility by IVF Method.
EN
The article refers to the drafts of the standing order of the Sejm, which were submitted to the marshal of this chamber in the last couple of years. All of the presented proposals are designed to change some rules of parliamentary debate. These include: 1) equipping the candidate for the office of Prime Minister with the right to be given the floor during debate over motion of constructive no confidence vote, which is not provided in the standing order at present, 2) introducing the procedure of so called “question time” to the Polish parliamentary system, 3) equipping the presidents of the parliamentary groups (parliamentary clubs) with a right to take a floor out of turn, without being allowed by the Marshall of the Sejm. The author analyses all the solutions contained in the drafts, indicating its advantages and disadvantages (as a matter of fact some of the are drafted poorly). He supports the general direction of the proposed amendments, sharing the belief of their authors that they should help to improve Polish parliamentary system and Polish democracy as well.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy projektów regulaminu Sejmu, jakie wniesiono do laski marszałkowskiej na przestrzeni kilku ostatnich lat. Projekty te zawierają postanowienia zmierzające w kierunku dokonania zmian w obecnym modelu debaty parlamentarnej. Pojawiły się tu konkretnie trzy propozycje: 1) wyposażenia kandydata na Prezesa Rady Ministrów w prawo do wypowiadania się w trakcie dyskusji poświęconej wnioskowi o konstruktywne wotum nieufności, 2) wprowadzenia do polskiego systemu parlamentarnego procedury tzw. godziny pytań, 3) wyposażenia przewodniczących frakcji parlamentarnych (klubów parlamentarnych) w prawo do zabierania głosu w toku debaty poza kolejnością mówców, bez konieczności uzyskania zezwolenia Marszałka Sejmu. Autor dokonuje analizy uregulowań zawartych w zgłoszonych projektach, wskazując na ich zalety i wady. Z nakreślonego wywodu wynika, że zajmuje on przychylny stosunek do kierunku zarówno proponowanych zmian, jak i do leżącej u ich podstaw idei.
EN
The purpose of this article is to examine whether the parliamentary debate over the Polish President's decree imposing a state of emergency on the border with Belarus is part of the deep polarization of the political scene in Poland at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century. The following research methods were used: functional analysis of political discourse, developed by William Benoit, thematic framework analysis by Shanto Iyengar, and, helpfully, John Rupert Firth's findings on the relationship between language and context. The research sample was purposive in nature. The unit of analysis was a sequence – i.e., the utterance of one politician in a specific thematic frame, through which a selected function of political discourse was realized. The analysis was quantitative and qualitative in nature. The research material was the transcript of the 36th session of the Sejm of September 6, 2021. Results and conclusions: in the analyzed parliamentary debate, the majority of statements by politicians of the United Right expressed praise, in the case of opposition politicians, the majority of statements presented an attack. The research sample included statements by government and opposition representatives classified into an episodic or thematic frame. The analysis found no dominance of either frame. The most significant contextual frame in the statements of politicians, both government and opposition, was the personal frame. Originality and cognitive value: the article expands knowledge in the area of political communication of parliamentarians of the Ninth Sejm.
PL
Celem artykułu jest sprawdzenie, czy debata sejmowa nad rozporządzeniem Prezydenta RP o wprowadzeniu stanu wyjątkowego na granicy z Białorusią wpisuje się w głęboką polaryzację sceny politycznej w Polsce na początku trzeciej dekady XXI w. Wykorzystano następujące metody badawcze: analizę funkcjonalną dyskursu politycznego, opracowaną przez Williama Benoita, analizę ram tematycznych autorstwa Shanto Iyengara, pomocniczo zaś ustalenia Johna Ruperta Firtha dotyczące relacji między językiem a kontekstem. Próba badawcza miała charakter celowy. Jednostkę analizy stanowiła sekwencja, tj. wypowiedź jednego polityka w określonej ramie tematycznej, poprzez którą realizowana była wybrana funkcja dyskursu politycznego. Analiza miała charakter ilościowy i jakościowy. Materiał badawczy stanowił stenogram 36. posiedzenia Sejmu z 6 września 2021 r. Wyniki i wnioski: w analizowanej debacie sejmowej największa liczba wypowiedzi polityków Zjednoczonej Prawicy spełniała funkcję pochwały, w przypadku polityków opozycji najwięcej było wypowiedzi o funkcji ataku. W próbie badawczej znalazły się wypowiedzi przedstawicieli rządu i opozycji zaklasyfikowane do ramy epizodycznej lub tematycznej. W analizie nie stwierdzono dominacji żadnej z ram. Najistotniejszym kontekstowym uwarunkowaniem w wypowiedziach polityków, zarówno rządzących, jak i opozycji, była rama personalna. Oryginalność i wartość poznawcza: artykuł poszerza wiedzę w obszarze komunikowania politycznego parlamentarzystów Sejmu IX kadencji.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony analizie dyskursu publicznego dotyczącego zgłoszonego i uchwalonego w 2012 r. rządowego projektu ustawy podnoszącego w Polsce powszechny wiek emerytalny kobiet i mężczyzn do 67 lat. Na podstawie jakościowej analizy treści debaty parlamentarnej i debaty medialnej (w prasie drukowanej) autorka przedstawia strony sporu (zwolenników, przeciwników, życzliwych obserwatorów i zdystansowanych obserwatorów) oraz referuje schematy argumentacji i zabiegi erystyczne, jakie stosowali zwolennicy i przeciwnicy reformy. Omawia też zagadnienia, jakie stanowiły kontekst, do którego odwoływali się uczestnicy debaty. We wstępnej części artykułu zostały ponadto przedstawione najważniejsze wydarzenia polityczne związane z projektem podwyższenia wieku emerytalnego oraz wyniki badań sondażowych ukazujące stosunek opinii publicznej w Polsce do kwestii wieku emerytalnego kobiet i m ęż czyzn. Autorka formuł uje równie ż wnioski dotyczące debaty publicznej o wieku emerytalnym w kontekście budowania wspól- notowości przez polityki publiczne, w tym politykę emerytalną.
EN
The article presents the analysis of public discourse on the governmental project of law raising the general retirement age for both women and men at the level of 67 years, presented and enacted in 2012. On the basis of a qualitative analysis of contents of the parliamentary debate and appearing in printed media, the author presents different sides of the dispute (adherents, favorable and outdistanced bystanders), she discusses types of arguments and eristic efforts, used by both the adherents and the opponents to the reform. She also presents topics constituting its context, to which the participants of the debate referred. In the initial part of the article the author presents crucial political events joined with the project of raising the retirement age as well as the results of surveys, which revealed the attitude of public opinion in Poland towards the question of retirement age for women and men. Besides, the author formulates conclusions concerning public debate on retirement age in the context of building up a community by public policies, including the retirement policy.
EN
The article presents implementation of method of ideological objects identification in discourse in the example of parliamentary debate. The analysis is being conducted according to methodological assumption of communicative grammar. The analysis of extensive testing material shows, that such objects as democracy, right to life, limitation of abortion and in vitro fertilization have the ideological objects status. That is because participants of the discourse choose different parameters, that are characteristic for this objects. If the participants of social-political discourse have lack of consciousness, that these objects could be ambiguous, they could not understand the right meaning of the statements.
PL
W artykule przedstawiona jest implementacja metody identyfikowania obiektów ideologicznych w dyskursie na przykładzie debaty parlamentarnej. Analiza prowadzona jest zgodnie z założeniami metodologicznymi gramatyki komunikacyjnej. Wykazała ona, że takie obiekty, jak demokracja, prawo do życia, ograniczenie liczby aborcji czy zapłodnienie in vitro mają status obiektów ideologicznych, bowiem uczestnicy dyskursu odwołują się do różnych parametrów, jakimi charakteryzują się te obiekty. Brak świadomości uczestników dyskursu społeczno-politycznego w zakresie wieloznaczności tych obiektów prowadzi do braku zrozumienia właściwego sensu generowanych w jego zakresie wypowiedzi.
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