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Kierunki rozwoju systemów partyjnych w państwach postjugosłowiańskich

100%
Morawski K. S.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2013
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issue 4(26)
217-238
EN
By analyzing the party systems in the post‑Yugoslav states by means of the effective number of parties index and the fractionalization index, it was possible to outline directions of future development and propose various scenarios of this development after the year 2010. The analyzed time span included the period from the early 1990s, which marked the rise of the first sovereign states (Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia up to the transformations of the 2000s, which saw the breakup of the “Third Yugoslavia” and the rise of the second group of independent states (Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo).
2
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Europeizacja partii oraz systemów partyjnych Serbii i Chorwacji – między rzeczywistością a iluzjami

88%
Mikucka-Wójtowicz D.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2015
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issue 6(37)
161-191
EN
The problem of the influence of the Europeanisation process on party systems became a “hit” at international conferences in European studies and political sciences just after the “big‑bang” EU enlargement in 2004. Although in the last ten years this research has often encompassed the party systems of many Central and Eastern European countries, it still seldom includes the post‑Yugoslav states. On the other hand, although some scholars had assumed that the EU’s impact on party politics (including both political and organisational changes) in the new member states would be greater than in the old EU countries (EU‑15), in general their assumptions have not been confirmed. Of course we can find exceptions, though, and in the author’s opinion one of these is the Serbian party system. In the first part of the paper the author deals with conceptualisation of the Europeanisation of political parties, examining theoretical problems above all connected with the question of how we should measure the significance of the influence of Europeanisation on domestic party politics. The second part of the article is devoted to the problem of Europeanisation of Serbian and Croatian parties as well as the party systems in both investigated countries. To examine this question, four of the five elements (leaving aside government‑party relations) of Ladrech’s approach to the Europeanisation of national parties will be used.
3
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Variations in media freedom: Why do some governments in Central and Eastern Europe respect media freedom more than others

75%
Bajomi-Lázár P.
Central European Journal of Communication
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2015
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vol. 8
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issue 1(14)
4-20
EN
It is argued in this paper that the relative defi cit of media freedom in most of Central and Eastern Europe as opposed to the relative freedom of the media in most of Western Europe is ultimately rooted in the specifi cities of the former communist countries’ party systems. Young parties in young democracies lack the resources needed for party building and organization, which they compensate for by colonizing the state and the media and by exploiting state and media resources; party colonization of the media necessarily inhibits media freedom. It is further argued that temporal and spatial variations in media freedom in and across Central and Eastern Europe are explained by diff erent patterns of media colonization. Th e more centralized the governing party’s or parties’ decisionmaking structures, the greater the likelihood of one-party colonization, and the more fragmented the governing party’s or parties’ decision-making structures, the lesser the likelihood of such colonization; one-party colonization of the media leads to lower levels of media freedom than multi-party colonization. In other words, the weaker the government, the more freedom the media have.
4
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W okowach etniczności? Funkcjonowanie wybranych partii etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji

71%
Mikucka-Wójtowicz D.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2016
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issue 1
69-100
EN
The author carries out an analysis of the functioning of ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and Croatia in relation to the theoretical principles presented in the paper and pertaining to the activities of ethnoregionalist parties (ERP). The paper aims to shed some light on the discussion on this topic and present the results of preliminary research into the functioning of selected ethnoregionlist groups in these two countries. The author believes that parties of this kind are changing both their postulates and strategies. Changes to the strategies of ethnoregionalist parties are significantly influenced by the policy of the state towards the minorities that reside in its territory and the policy of their respective native states.
PL
Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji.
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Kryzys gospodarczy a fragmentacja europejskich systemów partyjnych

63%
Rafałowski W.
Studia Socjologiczno-Polityczne. Seria Nowa
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2015
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vol. 03(1)
9-34
PL
It has been found that economic difficulties may lead to a substantial change in the number of parties in a polity, the main aspect used to describe and classify party systems. When crisis strikes the economy, parliamentary representatives of the ruling party will leave it and either join the opposition or develop their own political milieus, forming new parties. In both cases the fragmentation is expected to rise. This hypothesis has been confirmed to be true in Latin America. In this paper I use data on parliamentary elections held from 1980 onwards in 34 European countries to explore whether the dynamics of economic development affects the number of parties. The fragmentation is positively linked with the inflation rate and negatively with the GDP growth. The post-communist context moderates the strength of this relationship. These findings are illustrated with case studies of Greek, Icelandic and Latvian party system dynamics.
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Takzvané „sociologické zákony“ Maurice Duvergera: jejich postupné formulování a jejich metodologické aspekty

51%
Novák M.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2015
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vol. 51
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issue 1
3-40
EN
The author begins the article by calling attention to Duverger’s methodological principles, which he then draws on to analyse and interpret ‘Duverger’s laws’ concerning the effect electoral systems have on parties and party systems. Duverger’s classification of party systems, which he asserts are closely linked to electoral systems, is dealt with in the conclusion of the article, where the author draws attention to the more elaborate version of the classification that is hinted at in parts of his 1951 book Les partis politiques and that he then formulated explicitly in 1960. The author compares this later version with Sartori’s famous typology of party systems.
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Inżynieria konstytucyjna w pokomunistycznych przemianach ustrojowych

45%
Kamiński A. Z., Kamiński B.
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
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2016
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vol. 78
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issue 2
251-270
EN
While there is a wealth of studies on selected aspects of economic and political transitions from communism, there are few, if any, analyses of the emergence of new political orders in terms of constitutional engineering, i.e. the adoption of the meta-rules governing the rules defining both the political structure and determining underpinnings of the ordinary law-making process. The paper begins with the review of menu of institutional choices related to type of government, electoral system and vertical organisation of the state and their impact on performance as reported in political science and constitutional political economy literature. It is posited that the binary outcome: democracy vs. autocracy is a function of two variables assuming two values: society (weak vs. autonomous sovereign citizen) and communist establishment (strong vs. weak). A strong communist state at the initial state of transition produces autocratic outcomes although proximity to Brussels may change political trajectory whereas a strong autonomous society generates trajectory leading to democracy. Surprisingly, the choice of the rules of political game bore little resemblance to what literature might suggest: ordinary political struggle has determinedthe choice of institutions with constitutions as a legal act being the result rather than a product of conscientious intellectual design. JEL: A10; A12; B25; P10; P20; P21; P30
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu są pokomunistyczne przemiany ustrojowe rozpatrywane w perspektywie politologii i ekonomii politycznej konstytucjonalizmu. Pierwsza część dotyczy występujących w literaturze założeń teoretycznych oraz hipotez empirycznych. Nacisk położono na wybór typu rządów, rodzaju ordynacji wyborczej i organizacji pionowej państwa. Część druga proponuje model teoretyczny służący wyjaśnieniu dróg przemian ustrojowych i ich skutków. Zawiera on czynniki wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne. Wśród pierwszych główną rolę odgrywa stopień zdominowania społeczeństwa przez komunistyczne monopaństwo: im jest większy, tym wyższe prawdopodobieństwo ustroju autorytarnego. Czynnik zewnętrzny to położenie kraju w stosunku do Zachodu (Bruksela) lub Wschodu (Moskwa): bliskość Moskwy podnosi prawdopodobieństwo opcji autorytarnej. Analiza strategii przemian ustrojowych skupia się na wyborze typu rządów oraz ordynacji wyborczej. Efekty transformacji mierzone są za pomocą zagregowanego indeksu ustroju politycznego. Uzyskane rezultaty odbiegają od przewidywanych na podstawie teorii przedstawionej w pierwszej części artykułu. JEL: A10; A12; B25; P10; P20; P21; P30
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