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EN
Communication process allows people to receive and send messages through verbal and nonverbal resources which play an important role in healthy interpersonal acts. While verbal communication has been the subject of many studies, the present study aims to focus mainly on the nonverbal aspect that is greeting gestures. In this article we shall analyze which greeting gesture, that is widely used across different cultures may evoke a feeling of empathy and thus build peaceful interactions so needed in human communication nowadays.
EN
The aim of the article is linguistic and semantic analysis of concepts such as armed conflict, war, civil war and coup d’etat. In the author’s opinion, these concepts do not coincide, and their correct classification will lead to a better understanding of the nature of international conflicts. Authors also draws attention to the need for cooperation between scientists and politicians in the aspect of greater effectiveness of international humanitarian law.
EN
The cycle of individual and communal lives from birth to death is supposedly preserved by the government through institutions. However, political, social, and economic activities are engaged to make ends meet wherein the government is to serve as an unbiased regulator. The activities that play out in Southern Kaduna reflected politics of being on one side with interplay on origin, identity, religion, and locality. On the other hand, it reflects politics of belonging that play on kin, reciprocity, and stranger status. It has thus resulted in violence, suspicion, and persistent conflict. The study examines citizen’s inclusiveness in peacebuilding initiatives and the people’s perception of the sincerity of the government. The research relies on secondary sources where governmental and non-governmental publications and documents from relevant and reliable sources enriched the socio-historical approach, particularly those relating to contestation in the region. The study found out that just like situations in the other northwest states of the country, the crisis exacerbates by the government’s inability to mediate fairly between warring parties to ensure fairness and justice as well as failure to apprehend and punish the culprits, even as recommendations from the various interventions were unimplemented. Thus, the spate of violence continues.
EN
The author attempts to define amnesty and describe conditions that must be met for amnesties to be in accordance with international law. This in turn involves an analysis of legality of amnesties. The paper also examines motivation for granting amnesty and desirability as well as the future of granting amnesties. In the end a nuanced approach is adopted highlighting the fact that amnesties are neither conditio sine qua non for a lasting peace solution nor ticking time-bombs for peacebuilding. This reflects the idea of this paper that justice is not an absolute and sometimes it might be necessary to let go and combine judicial and non-judicial mechanisms (including the disclosure of truth and reparations for the victims) in order to achieve sustainable peace.
EN
Drawing on recent scholarship on transcultural memory and its role in peacebuilding, this paper explores the implications of entangling memories that belong to different pasts, places, and cultural groups in Joseph O’Connor’s Redemption Falls (2007) and Colum McCann’s TransAtlantic (2013). Both novels, written by authors interested in the notions of oppression and suppression of stories, are polyphonic texts that disrupt any single linear narrative by interweaving multiple storylines through constant movements across time and space. McCann’s focus shifts from the aftermath of WWI to the 1998 Belfast Agreement, while O’Connor’s novel deals with the American Civil War and Irish nationalism; both recount episodes of the Great Famine, the ensuing emigration, and the history of Abolitionism. Hence, painful memories of the Irish mingle with the mnemonic repertoires of those who suffered the abominations of slavery or internecine conflict in an attempt to give voice to the marginalised and highlight bonds between (apparently unrelated) groups of people. Moreover, this convergence of inherited memories binds the past with the present and the future, as the recollections have echoes of contemporary conflicts and global phenomena involving Ireland, whose role in them is implicitly interrogated. By fusing significant cultural memories across generations and spaces, these novels assert the ‘historical duty’ to remember to promote negotiation and mutual understanding between different cultural groups today. This paper, therefore, will first offer an overview of contemporary Irish fiction, characterised by an original world-facing, rather than nation-focused, outlook. Second, it will undertake the analysis of the selected novels to contribute to the ongoing discussion about the potential of literature to build sound knowledge of diverse human experiences and, as a consequence, promote peace.
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2022
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vol. 10
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issue 2
23-34
EN
For over two decades now, Zimbabwe has been rocked by socio-political and economic crises, which, together, project a troubling scenario of state failure. The solution to these multiple crises, which have retarded peacebuilding and development, is not yet in sight since the country is still struggling to recover and reclaim its glory of yester-year within Southern Africa. Religion is a bedrock of principles, values and norms that can be used in nation-building in Zimbabwe. The essential notions from religious belief systems of honesty, transparency, accountability and forgiveness, can be utilised to reconfigure and reconceptualise Zimbabwean humanity. Similarly, communication is one of the main pillars of nation-building; hence, the fundamental role of language in peacebuilding and development cannot be relegated or overstated. The key purpose of this study hinges on the imperative to rethink the role of both religion and language in nation-building discourse in Zimbabwe. This study is informed by insights from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), which views discourse as socio-political and cultural practice. Thus, the study takes cognisance of the complex nature of language and discourse as sites of struggle, contradictions and projection of socio-political power relations hence, contextual factors that inform Zimbabwe’s present political realm are useful in debating the present subject. Although language and religion have always been contested and considered divisive aspects, if accorded careful attention, these two can be instrumental in bringing peace, unity and nation-building. Religion and language are of paramount importance in the discourses of peacebuilding, unity and development in contemporary Zimbabwe.
EN
This study aims to clarify the role of actionism as a peacebuilding tool, identify the advantages and disadvantages of its various techniques (performance, happening, art installation, flash mob, etc.), and evaluate their effectiveness in the urbanized space. The research methodology is based on postmodernism and its comprehension of activism, public action and protest. Anti-war actionism is considered an element of the system of socio-political actionism. It is characterized as a set of spectacular forms of non-violent public protest against armed aggression and its consequences. The expansion of today’s anti-war actionism beyond the narrow artistic environment and its entrance into the broad social dimension is demonstrated. The empirical basis for the conceptualization of anti-war actionism includes two groups of actions: (1) anti-war actions carried out since the 1960s in the United States and Western Europe; (2) anti-war actions carried out in various countries in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The regional features of anti-war actionism under the conditions of armed conflicts and wars are determined, and the advantages and disadvantages of anti-war actionism as a peacebuilding technology are identified within the space of modern cities.
EN
This article presents and analyses the postconflict peacebuilding actions in Kosovo. It aims to bring a picture of external and internal actors involved in such a process from the end of the conflict up to date. The article challenges peace process in Kosovo through the issues emerging in the Society due to the unsettled status enduring as of Security Council Resolution 1244. It is structured into three sections. The first section analyses the postconflict peacebuilding and statebuilding actions undertaken by external and internal actors right after the conflict. The second section deals with the issue of transitional justice as a key element on peacebuilding and how it was addressed. Whereas the third section analyses the current situation of the population with the issues inherited from the conflict and others emerged due to undefined actions of external and internal actors.
EN
The UN Security Council issued several resolutions over the last fifteen years regarding the role of women in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Resolution 1325 (2000) came first and marked a watershed stressing the importance of equal and full participation of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and building and maintaining peace. The participation of women in peace negotiations or broader activities for peace and security is important, among other things, because there is a 35% greater chance that peace agreements negotiated by women will last at least 15 years. The article focuses on the UN Security Council instruments to ensure greater participation of women in maintaining peace and security and the results of mplementing these instruments.
PL
Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wydała na przestrzeni ostatnich piętnastu lat kilka rezolucji dotyczących roli kobiet w zapobieganiu konfliktom oraz budowaniu pokoju. Pierwszą i przełomową była rezolucja 1325 (2000), w której podkreślono istotne znaczenie równego i pełnego uczestnictwa kobiet w zapobieganiu i rozwiązywaniu konfliktów, budowaniu i utrzymaniu pokoju. Udział kobiet w negocjacjach pokojowych czy szerzej działaniach na rzecz pokoju i bezpieczeństwa jest istotny m.in. dlatego, że istnieje o 35% większa szansa, że porozumienia pokojowe wynegocjowane z udziałem kobiet potrwają co najmniej 15 lat. Artykuł skupia się na instrumentach Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w zakresie zapewnienia większego udziału kobiet w utrzymaniu pokoju i bezpieczeństwa oraz rezultatach wdrażania tych instrumentów.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie roli sił zbrojnych w procesie budowania pokoju na przykładzie Bośni i Hercegowiny. Z względu wciąż niewystarczający poziom zainteresowania polskich badaczy zagadnieniem budowy pokoju, Autorka w pierwszej części artykułu przybliży kwestie teoretyczne omawianego zagadnienia. Budowanie pokoju ma miejsce w państwach, które nie są stabilne, co może powodować wybuch wewnętrznego konfliktu. Destabilizacja danego państwa może powodować zagrożenie dla całego regionu. Dlatego istotne w procesie budowania pokoju jest zaangażowanie organizacji międzynarodowych. W myśl powyższego, bardzo ważna w omawianym procesie zdaje się być rola sił zbrojnych. Przeprowadzone przez Autorkę badania uprawniają ją do stwierdzenia, że nie w każdym przypadku siły zbrojne są wystarczającym narzędziem procesu budowania pokoju.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the role of the armed forces in peacebuilding on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the relative lack of interest of Polish researchers in building peace, in the first part of the article the author presents the theoretical issues of the discussed problem. Peacebuilding is carried out in the countries that are not stable, which may bring about internal conflicts. The destabilization of a given country may pose a threat to the entire region, which is why it is important to involve international organizations in building peace. It seems that the role of the armed forces seems to be important in the above process. However, the research has shown that the armed forces are not in each case a sufficient tool in the process of building peace.
EN
The aim of the article is to indicate relatively new UN instruments which can be used to build peace and to increase international security, such as the concept of „the responsibility to protect” and a relatively new UN body – the Peacebuilding Commission. Before it takes place, however, it is necessary to present a system of UN collective security, its evolution and evaluation pointing out its weaknesses and the projects of reforms of the UN Security Council inspired by it. In this light there shall be presented new instruments and possibilities which they carry with themselves in the sphere of international security.
PL
Celem artykułu jest wskazanie stosunkowo nowych instrumentów ONZ, które mogą zostać wykorzystane do budowania pokoju i zwiększenia bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, takich jak koncepcja „odpowiedzialności za ochronę” oraz stosunkowo nowy organ ONZ Komisja Budowania Pokoju. Przedtem jednak konieczne jest przedstawienie systemu bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego ONZ, jego ewolucji i oceny ze wskazaniem na słabości tego systemu oraz inspirowane tym projekty reformy Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ. Na tym tle zostaną wskazane nowe instrumenty i możliwości, jakie one niosą w sferze bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego.
EN
This paper analyses the role that development assistance can play in peacebuilding and reconstruction efforts in post-conflict societies. All development initiatives require the aid-receiving state involvement at some level. Aid effectiveness is determined by the success in building state capacity and legitimacy. Thus, the main argument is that in fragile states and conflict-affected areas aid donors must tackle state-building for successful peacebuilding. It includes supporting the restoration of core government functions and a rule of law culture, delivery of public services, economic revitalization and societal conflict transformation.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza roli pomocy rozwojowej w działaniach na rzecz budowy pokoju i odbudowy państwowości w społeczeństwach pokonfliktowych. Wszystkie inicjatywy rozwojowe wymagają zaangażowania państwa beneficjenta pomocy. Efektywność wsparcia jest określana przez sukces budowy zdolności i legitymacji państwa. W artykule postawiono tezę, że w państwach niestabilnych i obszarach dotkniętych konfliktem, dla powodzenia starań o kształtowanie pokoju niezbędna jest odbudowa państwowości, obejmująca przywrócenie kluczowych funkcji państwa i kultury rządów prawa, zapewnienie podstawowych usług publicznych, rewitalizację gospodarczą oraz społeczną transformację konfliktów.
EN
This article addresses the theoretical and practical contributions that international religiously-affiliated organizations (IRAOs) can make in preventing and transforming violent conflicts in many of today's geopolitical contexts. Following an overview of the contemporary, multi-tiered field of conflict management, this article will proffer the synergy model of intervention used by the Community of Sant' Egidio as a noteworthy example of how IRAOs, working in the politically charged field of conflict management, can positively affect the multidimensional processes of intercommunal conflict transformation and facilitate the most difficult work of reconciliation.
PL
Artykuł analizuje pozytywny wpływ międzynarodowych organizacji wywodzących się z danej społeczności religijnej (IRAO) na przebieg konfliktów, które mają miejsce w dzisiejszym świecie. Autor porusza wielowątkową problematykę współczesnego zarządzania konfliktem oraz proponuje synergiczny model interwencji stosowany obecnie przez Wspólnotę Sant' Egidio w Rzymie. Model przez nią wypracowany jest ważnym przykładem na to, jak organizacje typu IRAO, działające w politycznie uwarunkowanej sferze zarządzania konfliktem, mogą pozytywnie wpłynąć na wielowymiarowy przebieg konfliktu międzywspólnotowego oraz ułatwić trudne dzieło pojednania.
PL
Artykuł zwraca uwagę na lukę w badaniach nad budowaniem pokoju z perspektywy teorii realistycznych. Zapoczątkowane przez Johana Galtunga pole budowania pokoju zostało w dużej mierze ukształtowane przez jego rozumienie pokoju i przemocy, jak również przez samą dyscyplinę studiów pokojowych. An Agenda for Peace przekształciła koncepcję teoretyczną w praktykę międzynarodową, a towarzyszący jej duch liberalny odcisnął piętno na podejściach badawczych kierujących działaniami na rzecz budowania pokoju. Realizowane w formie demokratycznej transformacji i budowania państwowości operacje budowania pokoju często nie przynosiły oczekiwanych rezultatów i wywoływały wiele krytyki. Ponadto, przez całe dekady dominujące podejścia (liberalizm uzupełniony o instytucjonalne i krytyczne teorie IR) nie były w stanie wyjaśnić ciągłej nieosiągalności trwałego pokoju i nasilania się przemocy. Niewiele uwagi budowaniu pokoju poświęciła teoria realistyczna, która w ograniczonym stopniu interesuje się konfliktami lokalnymi. W tym aspekcie artykuł ma na celu omówienie, w jaki sposób teorie realistyczne zajmowały się dotychczas tematem budowania pokoju, przeanalizowanie, jakie są główne założenia związane z budowaniem pokoju z perspektywy realistycznej; oraz ocenę, czy teorie realistyczne mogą być pomocne w rozwiązaniu problemu nieskuteczności budowania pokoju. Artykuł otwiera dalszą dyskusję nad tym, czy perspektywa realistyczna i jej skupienie na interesach państw, a nie na (demokratycznych i liberalnych) wartościach i instytucjach, może być wykorzystana do analizy problemów procesu budowania pokoju i może pomóc lepiej zrozumieć sytuacje, w których jest on nieskuteczny.
EN
The article brings attention to the gap in the research on peacebuilding from the perspective of realist theories. Started by Johan Galtung, the peacebuilding field has been largely influenced by his understanding of peace and violence, as well as by the peace studies discipline itself. An Agenda for Peace turned the theoretical concept into international practice, and the liberal spirit accompanying it imprinted on the research approaches that guide peacebuilding activities. Executed in the form of democratic transformation and statebuilding, peacebuilding operations often did not bring the expected results and called on a lot of criticism. Besides, throughout the decades dominating approaches (liberalism complemented by institutional and critical IR theories) have not been able to explain the continuous unattainability of sustainable peace and exacerbation of violence. A little attention has been given to peacebuilding by the realist theory, which has limited interest in local conflicts. In this aspect, the article aims to discuss how the realist theories have been addressing the topic of peacebuilding so far, analyse what are the main assumptions related to peacebuilding from a realist perspective; and assess if the realist theories can be helpful in resolving the problem of peacebuilding ineffectiveness. The article opens further discussion on whether the realist perspective and its focus on states’ interests, rather than (democratic and liberal) values and institutions, can be used for analysing the problems of the peacebuilding process and can help to better understand situations, where it is ineffective.
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