Search results

1

Political Alienation and Government-Society Relations in Post-Communist Countries

100%

Mierina I.

Polish Sociological Review

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2014

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vol. 185

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issue 1

3-24

EN

On the basis of 1996 and 2006 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) data this paper explores the character of government-society relations in post-communist countries, and its dynamics. The use of comparative data and the application of Paige’s (1971) political alienation model and Woolcock’s and Narayan’s (2000) model of government-society relations allows to shed new light on citizen’s political attitudes by analysing them in the context of the overall political environment in the country. The results reveal that while citizens in most established democracies bear allegiant attitudes, citizens of post-communist countries feel alienated. Distrust of each other and of the political authorities leads to dysfunctional government-society relations. Since the time of transitional reforms people in post-communist countries have become more confident in their political capability, yet there is no general trend with regards to confidence in political authorities. Those at the margins of society often feel alienated, and dissident attitudes are on the rise, especially among youth.

2

Stosunek do przeciwników politycznych w kampaniach wyborczych – próba oceny etycznej

88%

Walerjan B.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

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2008

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vol. 11

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issue 2

153-160

EN

The election campaigns in Poland have become oriented to the still more extent on fighting back the political opponents. Only seldom we can watch skirmishes about programmes and battles with the use of substantial arguments. Instead, we observe more and more mutual accusations, personal reproaches and attempts of slandering the opponent using unethical methods. The attitude of one politician to another assumed quite special features both on the level of verbal behaviour and their attitudes. Almost in every election campaign since the year 1989 the voters have had the occasions to observe the behaviours of politicians which were far from the moral standards and which significantly lowered the level of political culture in Poland. Since a few years rival discreditations, intrigues, announcing untrue information about opponents and creation of media facts have dominated during the election battles. Occurrences of such type are crucial for political alienation among the citizens and contribute to preservation of a negative picture of the politics itself as a sort of dishonest and immoral activity. Various methods of depreciation of opponents are still more and more willingly used. This paper will discuss selected behaviours of political competitors towards each other; also an attempt will be undertaken to assess those behaviours from the ethics’ point of view.

3

Egoistic Relative Deprivation and Support for Populism in Days of Democracy Crisis: the Case of Poland

75%

Korzeniowski K.

Polish Psychological Bulletin

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2021

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vol. 52

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issue 2

4

Довіра до суспільно-політичних інститутів в Україні і наслідки її дефіциту для країни

75%

Зеленько Г.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

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issue 8

108-118

EN

As usual during reforms, first of all the reformers are trying to develop a reform strategy and to find the right financial and human resources. However, the social support for reforms and public confidence in reforms and reformers are equally important resources in carrying out reforms. Therefore, public trust is an equally important resource for reform, such as finance or staffing. Instead a lack of public confidence in reform processes can be an invisible barrier, an indicator of their effectiveness or inefficiency. Public trust is not an abstract concept. Public trust is a condition for the integration of society around a number of socially significant problems, the successful reformation of the country. The article analyzes public trust in Ukraine and outlines the consequences of its shortage in the processes of reforming society. For this purpose, the theoretical foundations of the phenomenon of public trust were defined, the notion of «institutionalized trust», «political alienation», «externalization of trust», «social capital» were distinguished; analyzed the state of institutionalized trust in Ukraine; the consequences of a deficit of institutionalized trust for the reform processes in Ukrainian society are analyzed. Such research makes it possible to understand the problems of the development of social capital in Ukraine and, in the light of this knowledge, to adjust the development of social development strategies, that is, the actual processes of reformation. Summing up, the author stated a significant deficit of institutional trust in Ukrainian society. It concerns both the basic organs of state power and the instruments of democracy. The deficit of institutionalized trust in Ukraine is converted into three phenomena: 1) political exclusion (citizens try to distance themselves from the state as much as possible); 2) in the radicalization of society; 3) externalization of trust (hence the popular opinion in the society about the expediency of «external management», faith in the «collective action», in the «collective Saakashvili»). Also, a lack of trust in society exacerbates radical sentiment and radical actions in society. It should be understood that Ukrainian society after EuroMaydan and Ukrainian society during the presidency of L. Kuchma, are qualitatively different societies. This confirms the dynamics of institutionalized trust. That is, EuroMaydan 2014 and Russian military aggression became a kind of «moment of great upheaval», which confirmed the demand for the revitalization of democratic institutions and elementary social justice. This means that in the near future one should expect the growth of civic activity and a surge in the demand for a radical change in the rules of the game - political institutions. Therefore for Ukraine is very important to maintain a balance between intensive political and public participation, but necessarily in a conventional way, and with an adequate response from public authorities to social inquiries.

5

Young Poles: Undeveloped Political ‘Niche’

71%

Marzęcki R.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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issue 3

111-122

PL

Obserwacja życia politycznego we współczesnej Polsce prowadzi do wniosku, że młodzi ludzie, wraz ze swoimi problemami, pozostają na marginesie komunikacji i procesów decyzyjnych inicjowanych przez najważniejsze partie polityczne. Młody człowiek rzadziej bywa adresatem politycznych ofert, a problemy, interesy i aspiracje tej grupy ludzi rzadziej stają się osią politycznych sporów i treścią politycznych dyskursów. Młodzi obywatele dostrzegają ten brak wyraźnego zainteresowania ich sprawami i czynią z niego jeden z ważniejszych argumentów krytycznych wobec klasy politycznej. Autor prezentuje w artykule wyniki badania ankietowego zrealizowanego wśród polskich studentów w pierwszej połowie 2012 roku. W skazują one, że młode pokolenie stanowi wciąż wielką niezagospodarowaną polityczną “niszę”.

EN

Observation of the political life in contemporary Poland leads to the conclusion that young people and their problems remain on the sidelines of communication and the decision-making processes that are initiated by the leading political parties. Young citizens are rarely the addressees of political offers, and their problems, interests, and aspirations rarely become the pivot of political disputes or the content of political discourse. Young citizens perceive the general lack of interest in their matters and point to it as one of the most important criticisms of the political class in Poland. In the article, the author presents the results of a national survey conducted among Polish students in the first half of 2012. They clearly demonstrate that the younger generation still constitutes a vast and underdeveloped political ‘niche’.

6

Antysemityzm spiskowy. Charakterystyka pojęcia, nowa metoda pomiaru i uwarunkowania psychospołeczne

51%

Korzeniowski K.

Studia Socjologiczne

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2015

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issue 3(218)

127-148

PL

Artykuł przedstawia nową metodę pomiaru antysemityzmu spiskowego oraz charakterystykę natury tego zjawiska. Pomysł metody zasadza się na ważeniu poszczególnych charakterystyk aktywności Żydów nasileniem przekonania, że podejmowane są one skrycie. Badanie przeprowadzono na próbie reprezentatywnej dorosłych Polaków (N=800). Badano charakterystyki (i) położenia jednostki w strukturze społecznej oraz (ii) mentalności społeczno-politycznej. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała, że narzędzie było wysoce rzetelne (współczynnik α Cronbacha wyniósł 0,94). Kolejne analizy wykazały, że metoda spełnia zakładane kryteria trafności teoretycznej. Analiza czynnikowa dała wysoce satysfakcjonujące rozwiązanie jednoczynnikowe. Stwierdzono, że antysemityzm spiskowy w zasadzie nie był bezpośrednio związany z charakterystykami położenia jednostki w strukturze społecznej. Okazało się natomiast, że antysemityzm spiskowy korelował z negatywnym afektem (depresją, deprywacją relatywną, resentymentem i negatywną oceną sytuacji w kraju), anomią społeczną i alienacją polityczną. Stwierdzono także, że antysemityzmowi spiskowemu towarzyszy autorytaryzm, ksenofobia oraz paranoja polityczna. Analiza ścieżkowa ukazała że antysemityzm spiskowy pośrednio zależał od małego kapitału kulturowego oraz autorytaryzmu i alienacji politycznej. Jego bezpośrednimi i jednocześnie najsilniejszymi predyktorami okazały się resentyment i paranoja polityczna. Można powiedzieć, że antysemityzm spiskowy jawi się jako konsekwencja przede wszystkim „zgorzkniałej polskiej duszy” oraz zgeneralizowanego myślenia spiskowego.

EN

The article presents new research tool for measurement of conspiratorial anti-Semitism and characteristics of the phenomenon nature. The idea of the method was based on weighing separate aspects of Jews’ activity by the conviction of their secretiveness. The study was carried out on the national sample of adult Poles (N=800). Two groups of explanatory variables were measured: (i) characteristics of the individual social position, and (ii) features of socio-political mentality. The analysis revealed that the research tool was highly reliable (Cronbach’s α coefficient was .91). The subsequent analyses show the method to meet the requirements of theoretical validity. Factor analysis gave highly satisfactory onefactor solution. It was established that conspiratorial anti-Semitism was not directly related to social position. It turned out however that conspiratorial anti-Semitism correlated with negative affect (depression, relative deprivation, resentment, and negative assessment of situation in Poland), social anomie, political alienation. It was also found out that conspiratorial anti-Semitism was accompanied by authoritarianism, xenophobia, and political paranoia. Path analysis showed that conspiratorial anti-Semitism indirectly depended on cultural capital, authoritarianism and political alienation. However its direct and the strongest predictors turned out to be resentment and political paranoia. One can say that conspiratorial anti-Semitism appears as a consequence mainly of “embittered Polish soul” and generalized conspiratorial thinking.

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1 Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

1 Polish Psychological Bulletin

1 Polish Sociological Review

1 Przegląd Politologiczny

1 Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

1 Studia Socjologiczne

2 Korzeniowski K.

1 Marzęcki R.

1 Mierina I.

1 Walerjan B.

1 Зеленько Г.

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