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EN
The objective of this paper is to determine the scale of influence of the media (both traditional and social) on party preferences. The complicated contemporary media ecosystem, in which the boundaries between traditional and internet media are blurred (internet versions of newspapers), news coverage is increasingly de-professionalized (emergence of civic journalism), verification of information becomes increasingly problematic (fake news) leads to a number of theoretical and methodological challenges. Theoretically, the paper uses the model in which mass media act as a factor triggering the emergence of latent views. Empirically, the effort is undertaken to cover the whole universe of information sources, including both print and electronic media, both traditional and internet sources. The analysis determines citizens’ sources of information, tracks consistencies in selecting particular categories of sources (thus outlining ‘information bubbles’), correlates sources with party preferences and measures generalized attitudes to media categories. The study is undertaken on a sample representative for adult Polish population, fielded with CAWI methodology.
EN
Mass media in the United States have historically evolved through three stages in which the content is aimed at the elites, then the masses, then specialized audiences. This evolution has recently been taking place within the news media, where Fox News is now being aimed at conservative viewers. The effect of the conservative content of Fox News on its viewership was examined. Findings from a survey show that Fox viewers are more polarized than other news consumers on several issues. Whether they watched Fox News or some other news program, however, the respondents consist- ently felt that the media were between good and fair in their coverage. Fox News viewers seem to be relatively satisfi ed with the news content they receive – or at least as satisfied as respondents who get their information from other sources.
EN
The paper presents the preliminary results of the interdisciplinary study on the influence of the government's remembrance policy. The key aspect of the project was a measurement of 364 students' attitudes towards management of collective memory in laboratory conditions. Its objective was a diagnosis of Polish youth's disposition to the management of collective memory by a state, but also a measurement of attitude change resulting from a narrative (which imitated the remembrance policy). The paper discusses general results of the study and three aspects of attitudes: cognitive, emotional and behavioral. It presents both results from the first measurement and effects of emotions' and commitment's manipulation. Collected data was used to formulate four research conclusions which consider attitudes towards the government's remembrance policy, their change and their relevance to a question on the distribution of influence between a government and a civil society.
EN
It is indisputable that emotions predominate in shaping political attitudes. This is corroborated by the development of political marketing, whose techniques and means are mainly directed at voters’ emotions. The paper presents the results of research into the affective component in the political attitudes of university students. To a large extent the analysis confirms the hypothesis that religious organizations have a significant impact on developing a positive emotional attitude towards right-wing politicians and parties, whereas the media strongly influence the emergence of similar attitudes towards liberal political entities. Advocates of the right wing declare their commitment to national values and patriotism, while demonstrating a relatively passive attitude to politics. The respondents whose opinions indicate liberal sympathies emphasize their satisfaction with life and intention to be active in the field of politics. The important conclusion to be drawn from this research is that the family contin- ues to have a significant impact on the emotional political attachments of the young, whereas the influence of school in this regard is definitely limited.
EN
Remembrance is a powerful instrument of social mobilisation, identity construction and political competition. Its impact on individual and shared beliefs or attitudes makes it an object of government’s interest, because remembrance can be used to legitimise ideologies or policies. Theoretical considerations of a government’s role as a narrator lead us to the general definition of the government’s remembrance policy, which we understand as a complex of narratives and interpretations presented to influence citizens’ attitudes, behaviours, beliefs and identities. The paper develops the definition with five theoretical hypotheses on the effectiveness of remembrance narratives. It argues that the government’s remembrance policy is myth-motoric, non-scientific, emotional, based on commitment and that it is a type of social influence. The study is an initial verification of theoretical approach, and I believe that my arguments will motivate other researchers to investigate different aspects of a government’s desire to narrate past events.
EN
The aim of the following work is to analysis the results of survey concerning the structures and conditioning of students’ political attitudes. The factors which create appreciation to two political parties, Palikot’s Movement (presently Your Movement) and Poland Comes First and their leaders, were shown. The assessment of sympathy towards the parties was made in order to nd out if it is not related with the political organizations from which the leaders come (Civic Platform and Law and Justice). The issue of emotions was also analysed since they are important elements of the attitudes, as well as they form them. The studies associated with the political attitudes improve that emotions towards the candidates have an impact on the voting process. Electors often have preconception feelings towards the candidates when they don’t know anything about their platforms. The survey shows, that Janusz Palikot is much more recognizable as the politician than Paweł Kowal. The attitudes towards his party are very emphatic and they are related with the antipathy to Law and Justice and Jarosław Kaczynski and with the sympathy to Donald Tusk, the prime minister. The analysis also suggest that the supporters of Poland Comes First create their views through the traditional socializing agendas like the social background, whereas the supporters of Janusz Palikot’s party form their views on the basis of contact with their partners, at the same time rejecting the traditional socializing institution as the church.
EN
The paper presents results of the experimental study on the government’s remembrance policy, attitudes towards it, and the influence of remembrance narratives. It discusses individual differences of participants on three different grounds: (1) interest in history or politics, and level of historical knowledge, (2) features of cognitive motivation measured by the need for closure questionnaire: preference of order, desire for predictability, discomfort with ambiguity, closed mindedness and decisiveness, and (3) response to the presented narrative, including inspired emotions and an assessment of a story. Collected data and research observations offer an interesting and valuable insight into relationships between various factors and citizen’s support for the remembrance policy. They also lead the team to formulate three conclusions which may be used to develop theoretical understandings of this aspect of politics within political science and related disciplines.
EN
The aim of the article “Polish political culture in the light of the parliamentary budgetary debates from 2001–2010. Selected aspects” is to point out the main directions of the evolution of the Polish customs and political attitudes that can be seen by analyzing the Polish parliamentary budget debates carried out in the period from 2001–2010. The course of the first debate readings from 2001 to 2010 has been examined, where attention is focused on two areas of description: quantitative – the conditions of the regulations, the form (long or medium debate), the participants, including their number and function (regarding executive power, parliament, and parliamentary club), and qualitative – selected semantic and pragmatic elements of the debate language in support of or opposed to the government proposals (here reduced to the two selected debates from 2002 and 2010). As opposed to the declarations made by the participants, the conclusions resulting from this analysis indicate the decreasing importance of the budget debate, as well as its apparent professionalization and actual politicization, resulting in phenomena related to the mediatization and tabloidization of politics.
PL
Celem artykułu było zasygnalizowanie głównych kierunków ewolucji polskich obyczajów i postaw politycznych, dających się dostrzec dzięki analizie polskiej parlamentarnej debaty budżetowej przeprowadzanej w okresie 2001–2010. Refleksji poddano tu przebieg pierwszych czytań debat z lat 2001–2010, przy czym przedmiotem uwagi uczyniono dwa pola opisu: ilościowe – uwarunkowania regulaminowe, forma (debata długa, średnia), uczestnicy – liczba, funkcja (we władzy wykonawczej, w parlamencie, w klubie parlamentarnym) oraz jakościowe – wybrane elementy semantyki i pragmatyki języka debaty – poparcie lub odmowa poparcia dla propozycji rządu (tu ograniczono się do dwóch wybranych debat – z 2002 roku i z 2010 roku). Wnioski wynikające z podjętej analizy wskazują na malejące (w przeciwieństwie do deklaracji głoszonych przez jej uczestników) znaczenie debaty budżetowej, na jej pozorną profesjonalizację i rzeczywistą, owocującą zjawiskami związanymi z mediatyzacją i tabloidyzacją polityki, polityzację.
PL
Celem artykułu jest próba dokonania charakterystyki młodego pokolenia Polaków w aspekcie ich postaw względem polityki. Uwaga autorki koncentruje się na dwóch zauważalnych w badaniach empirycznych trendach (a)polityczności i prawicowym zaangażowaniu. Rozważania na temat dominujących postaw politycznych pokolenia Y prowadzone są z perspektywy pokoleniowej zakładającej, że to kontekst społeczny generuje odmienne postawy względem rzeczywistości, a także warunkuje różne sposoby zachowań i różne strategie życiowe. Przyczyny zaistnienia takich postaw autorka upatruje w związku z tym w specyfice nakładających się na siebie procesów transformacyjnych i globalizacyjnych. Za wskaźniki postaw politycznych posłużyły dane pochodzące z badań CBOS i innych odnoszące się do poziomu zainteresowania polityką, orientacji politycznych, preferencji partyjnych, oceny partii politycznych i polityków, decyzji wyborczych oraz frekwencji wyborczej.
EN
The aim of this article is to make the characteristics of the young generation of Poles in terms of their attitudes towards politics. The author focuses on two notice - able trends in empirical research – rightwing involvement and (non)-involvement. Reflections on the prevailing political attitudes of Generation Y are conducted from the generational perspective which assumes that the social context produces a different attitude towards reality, and determines different ways of behaviors and different life strategies. The reasons for the occurrence of such attitudes the author sees in the specifics of overlapping processes of transformation and globaliza - tion. As the indicators of political attitudes was used data from the CBOS research, and other referring to the level of interest in politics, political orientations, party prefer - ences, the assessment of political parties and politicians, election results and voter turnout.
PL
Badania identyfikacji, postaw i zachowań wyborczych należą do najpopularniejszych płaszczyzn analizowania politycznej partycypacji obywateli. Prezentowany tekst jest raportem z badań realizowanych w ramach projektu “Political preferences: Attitude – Identification – Behavior” w latach 2009–2014. Omawia on główne założenia i kierunki badawcze, stosowane narzędzia oraz uzyskane wyniki. Przedstawiany projekt badawczy ma charakter ogólnopolski i jest realizowany na reprezentatywnej próbie wyborców.
EN
Research on electoral identifications and attitudes and voting behavior is among the most popular planes of analysis of the citizens’ political participation. The presented article is a report from research carried out in the framework of the project “Political Preferences: Attitude – Identification – Behavior” in 2009 – 2014. It discusses the main assumptions and research directions, the tools used and, finally, the results obtained in the project. The presented research project is of a nationwide character, and is conducted on a representative sample of voters.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present and discuss selected sociological approaches to problems of political and civic socialisation during rapid social changes. The paper is divided into two parts. Part one focuses on observations of the effects of five institutions, the agendas of political socialisation, such as family, school, church, mass media as well as peer groups. Research on their functions and dysfunctions has been a significant element of the picture of changes in the political culture of Poles since  the beginning of the transition to the market system and democracy. Part two reviews debate over relationships between patterns of youth participation in politics and their origins, taking into consideration the socio-cultural context. The article analyses grounds for indicating that a reorientation in political attitudes and political behaviour of young people in contemporary Poland is probable. The theory of ‘silent revolution’ (Inglehart, 1977) has inspired this research.  
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest prezentacja dyskusji wokół problemu wpływu szybkich zmian społeczno-kulturowych na proces socjalizacji politycznej oraz sposób badania jego efektów. Pierwsza część zawiera charakterystykę  podstawowych agend tego procesu: rodziny, szkoły, Kościoła, mediów oraz grup rówieśniczych. Przegląd badań opisujących ich funkcje na przestrzeni trzech dekad polskiej transformacji ilustruje specyficzną pozycję, jaką w kształtowaniu kultury politycznej młodzieży pełniła w tym okresie rodzina. Część druga poświęcona jest poszukiwaniu koncepcji, która wyjaśniałaby obserwowane współcześnie zjawiska zaburzenia międzypokoleniowej transmisji wartości. Prowokują one do pytań o sposób, w jaki zmieniający się kontekst społeczno-kulturowy procesów socjalizacji wpływa na możliwości rodziny w sferze formowania postaw wobec polityki. Inspirację rozważań stanowią hipotezy formułowane w kontekście badań wokół tzw. cichej rewolucji (Inglehart 1977).
EN
The aim of the paper is to discuss main theories explaining the psychological basis of social and political conflicts, especially causes of intergroup bias and prejudice. Theories of authoritarianism and social dom­inance orientation are discussed referring dispositional causes of intergroup bias and prejudice, while real­istic conflict group theory, social identity theory and system-justification theory are called for explaining situational determinants of intergroup bias and prejudice. Evolutionary aspects of hostility and aggression in social and political conflicts are also debated.
EN
The article presents the results of research carried out in 2015 – before and after the presidential elections on a group of students of selected fields of the University of Łódź. The main objective of the study was to diagnose the political attitudes of students. The results were also confronted with the results of various studies carried out on national representative samples of the young generation of Poles. The study confirmed the trend of the nationwide research – the turn of young people to conservative orientation, support for right-wing parties and, on the other hand, a significant political non-involvement.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań przeprowadzonych w 2015 r. przed i po wyborach prezydenckich na grupie studentów wybranych kierunków Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego. Głównym celem badania była diagnoza postaw politycznych studentów. Uzyskane wyniki zostały następnie skonfrontowane z wynikami różnych badań ogólnopolskich, przeprowadzonych na reprezentatywnych próbach młodego pokolenia Polaków. Badanie potwierdziło tendencje z badań reprezentatywnych: z jednej strony ‒ o dokonującym się przesunięciu orientacji politycznych młodych ludzi w kierunku poglądów konserwatywnych, popierających partie prawicowe, z drugiej − znaczącą ich apolityczność.
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