Search results - CEJSH

1

The Jagiellonian idea as expression of political culture: core constitutive values and their possible contemporary implementations

100%

Banaś M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 51

27-40

EN

The article aims to discuss the concept of political culture as a powerful tool for shaping thoughts and actions of individuals and communities (societies). By elaborating on the Jagiellonian Idea (JI) - its specific features and implementation, the author seeks to provide answers to several questions including: what made the JI a vibrant political and social concept being undertaken over centuries by some politicians, social leaders, researchers and scholars – is it just an attractive narrative which recalls times when Poland was a powerful state or is it a realistic program still applicable to contemporary societies? What kind of features of the JI concept may be selected, adjusted and developed today in the international and intercivizational dimensions? If at all possible, thus by what kind of means and under what conditions? These and other aspects of the JI as a specific expression of political culture are the core of the article.

2

Kultura polityczna szlachty województwa połockiego na przełomie XVI–XVII wieku w świetle instrukcji sejmikowych

100%

Bortnik I.

Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2016

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vol. 9

3-36

EN

The article is devoted to the analysis of the special character of the political culture in Polotsk Voivodship at the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century. The research of these phenomena is based on the instructions for local parliaments (sejmiks) as a source base and provides for a distinction between three aspects: the attitude of the gentry towards the existing political system and its institutions; social and political values and norms of the gentry; the gentry’s response to decisions made by political institutions as well as its requirements and wishes towards the political system. The author has come to the conclusion that the political culture of the Polotsk gentry at the turn of the 16th and 17th century is characterized by high level of political activity.

3

ВЛИЯНИЕ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЫ И ГРАЖДАНСКОЙ ПАРТИЦИПАЦИИ НА ФУНКЦИОНИРОВАНИЕ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ РЕЖИМОВ (НА ПРИМЕРЕ ПОСТТОТАЛИТАРНЫХ ГОСУДАРСТВ)

100%

Soroka S., Lizakowska S.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2016

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issue 4

103-120

EN

The political regime in the state depends not only on the balance of political forces in the society, political relations, means and methods of realizing power, relations between state and society, but also from the state of political culture as a national leader and ruling elite, and the population. The cooperation of citizens with power in post-totalitarian states symbolizes the democratic character of the country. In post-totalitarian political cultures, the concept of citizenship is associated with a sense of belonging and identification with the state. The characteristic type of political culture of society contributes to the establishment of a certain political regime, supports its stable functioning. A regime that contradicts the established norms and values of the political culture of the population cannot function effectively and exercise political power in a society.

4

Aleksander Gieysztor and Gerard Labuda for the 100th anniversary of two great historians’ birthdays (1916–2016)

100%

Kosman M.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

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2016

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issue 2(11)

243-264

EN

Two polish historians and friends, both born in 1916, were among the most eminent medievalists in Poland in the 20th century. Their academic debut came in the years preceding the outbreak of WWII, while their careers progressed brilliantly in the years following the end of the war. For several decades, they marked their academic presence as the authors of great works, and they held the most prominent offi ces in academic life in Poland and in the international arena. They took an active part in the process of political transition, leading to Poland regaining full sovereignty in 1989, and they approved of its evolutionary mode. They were unquestionable moral authorities for scholarly circles and beacons in public activities. Aleksander Gieysztor died in 1999, followed another eleven years later by Gerard Labuda (2010), who remained active until his last days. The 100th anniversary of their birthdays reminds historical circles, first and foremost, albeit not only, of Warsaw and Poznań, about their academic and public achievements.

5

Legitimacy of Power of the President of the Russian Federation

100%

Gardocki S.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2007

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vol. 36

26-59

EN

Russian President is both a political institution of key importance and a distinctive individual of a specific manner of behaviour in his authoritarian rules. In this article I would like to present the role of the President in society with reference to historical heritage and the modern political culture of Russian society. Taking into consideration the fact that public opinion and the media, in conditions of democracy or democratization, constitute basic social mechanism that forms bases and formulas of legitimacy, I have decided that it is merge to join the issues into one. It is the President that I aim my examination at, not the Russian media themselves, the history of their development after 1991, or their ownership structure that governs them. The media will be of interest as long as they are necessary to understand how the President legitimizes his powers, to what extent he is successful, and what scope of success or failure depends on in the legitimacy efforts.

6

Kultura polityczna a możliwość odmowy publikacji w prasie reklam i prywatnych ogłoszeń

100%

Gołda-Sobczak M.

Themis Polska Nova

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2014

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issue 1(6)

175-185

EN

The problem of the opportunity to place advertisement in mass media has been analysed both by Polish courts and the European Court of Human Rights only with regard to the content of said advertisement and its reference to current legal advertising bans. However, there occurred a significant problem not only from the point of view of the freedom of press, but also civil liberties, namely that of presenting advertisement undesired by newspaper editors. Cases tried by Polish courts, one being subject to analysis of the European Court of Human Rights, prove that within the scope of placing advertisement the voice of publishers and editors is decisive. Any citizen referring to the freedom of speech stands no chance that the content of advertisement presented by them will be published. Free press is to be free to choose advertisement, and what’s crucial here is the economic freedom of contract. tantamount to conceding that this norm ceases to exist, but only affirms that it cannot be applied.

7

Analiza przejawów kultury politycznej Platformy Obywatelskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii wyborczej prowadzonej w Internecie w 2011 roku

100%

Bejma A., Wesołowski P.

Studia Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 26

81-108

EN

This paper contains considerations over political culture manifestations of the Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska) on the Internet during the polish parliamentary campaign 2011. The authors analyzed the political culture in three main dimensions. The first of them is the area of knowledge, which includes the program and the content contained on the Web sites of the Civic Platform candidates. Another one is the socio-communicational level, in which relations between a politician and his voters occur in the Web 2.0 network model. Last dimention is the technology and its impact on the changing ways of presenting content and contacting other participants of political life. Article ends with considerations on further possible changes in political elections on the Internet.

8

Regionalizm w kulturze politycznej Republiki Korei

100%

Gryc K.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

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2019

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issue 3-4(271-272)

233-247

EN

The subject of this article is an analysis of regionalism as an important part of the South Korean political culture, influenced by the ethical and philosophical system of Confucianism for centuries, that became an important element in the perception of political reality and the basis of modern politics. Nowadays it is visible both in the attitudes of citizens as voters and in the mechanisms of politics.

9

Wykorzystanie Internetu w komunikowaniu politycznym elit z wyborcami

100%

Garlicki J., Mider D.

Studia Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 25

177-209

EN

The article analyzes the ways and extent of use of the Internet to communicate with voters by the Polish political elites. The evaluation was done from the perspective of the thesis of so called permanent campaign phenomenon. An important part of the evaluation was also comparison of the Polish experience and abroad campaigns (the USA). The model of analysis was enriched by an original classification and the review of political channels of communication on the Internet. In this context, the idea of communication revolution in Polish political campaigns was strongly criticized. The article compares also the traditional media (television, radio and press) with a new medium – the Internet in terms of their credibility, attractiveness and effectiveness in public awareness. The analysis identified a number of problems related to the political communication of Polish elites on the Internet. These are: lack of competence in following the technological bandwagon, insufficient abilities in the Internet cultural code, abandonment of Internet communication projects, and publishing derivative and superficial political information.

10

Poziom internetowej kultury politycznej Prawa i Sprawiedliwości podczas kampanii parlamentarnej w 2011 roku

100%

Biskup B.

Studia Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 26

109-131

EN

The article presents manners and styles of the political communication of Law and Justice party with their voters on the Internet. The analysis concerns communication of the whole party as well as of the chosen candidates. In this article ideological content as well as forms and styles of communication, and their coherence and expressiveness were scrutinized.

11

The Troubled Presence of the United States in Italy’s Political Culture: An Overview

100%

Luconi S.

Review of International American Studies

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2017

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vol. 10

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issue 2

EN

Stefano LuconiUniversity of Naples L’OrientaleItalyThe Troubled Presence of the United States in Italy’s Political Culture: An OverviewThis brief article examines the impact of US values on Italy’s political system since the end of World War II. It argues that, during the Cold War, the allegiance of the sizeable Communist Party to the Soviet Union, on the one hand, and the Catholics’ distrust of Americanism, on the other, prevented US principles from shaping the nation’s republican institutions and playing a significant influence on Italian political culture, notwithstanding Washington’s efforts to spread its own philosophy in the country. It also suggests that, after the end of the West-versus-East ideological conflict, the two major party coalitions paid only lip service to US values and referred to them mainly out of expediency while jockeying for position in their struggle for political power.

12

Strana profesionálních revolucionářů? Politická kultura meziválečné KSČ

100%

Rákosník J.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2014

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vol. 6

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issue 1

135-146

EN

This article deals with the political culture of the interwar Czechoslovak Communist Party. The issue is studied through the prism of the protagonistsʼ life experience and practice. Attention is focused on three subject areas (1. the significance of the Communist organization; 2. the use of Marxist-Leninist ideology; 3. the public/private division in personal life) and on how these were reflected in the behaviour of both prominent and less prominent party members.

13

Partycypacja partii politycznych w kreowaniu władz samorządowych

89%

Nowak T.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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issue 4

187-200

EN

Local authority units constitute significant structures in the creation and execution of regional policy at the regional level, as well as local policy at the district and municipal levels. Political parties play the leading role in selecting candidates for local govemment bodies. Party procedures for composing and approving councilors’ ballot papers, as well as the method of electing single person local authorities are crucial for the quality of regional and local elites of power. The character o f political leadership at regional and local levels is undoubtedly influenced by personal relations between party structures and local authorities, as well as by the type of political culture that dominates in a given community. The subject of the paper is the presentation o f the above determinants, regarding the appointment and functioning of local authorities.

PL

Jednostki samorządu terytorialnego stanowią bardzo ważne struktury w tworzeniu i realizacji polityki regionalnej na szczeblu województwa, jak również polityki lokalnej na szczeblu powiatu i gminy. W selekcji kandydatów do samorządowych organów władzy, pierwszoplanową rolę odgrywają partie polityczne. Partyjne procedury tworzenia i zatwierdzania list wyborczych na radnych, a także sposób wyboru jednoosobowych organów samorządowych mają niebagatelne znaczenie dla jakości regionalnych i lokalnych elit władzy. Na charakter przywództwa politycznego występującego na szczeblu regionalnym lub lokalnym niewątpliwy wpływ wywierają powiązania personalne struktur partyjnych z władzami samorządowymi, jak również typ kultury politycznej dominującej w danej społeczności. Przedmiotem artykułu jest przedstawienie powyższych uwarunkowań związanych z wyłanianiem i funkcjonowaniem władz samorządowych.

14

K čemu instituce? Jsme přeci samí slušní lidé! Příčiny, důsledky a řešení nedůvěry v zastupitelské sbory v Česku

88%

Müller K. B.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2016

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issue 1

5-39

EN

The aim of this article is to interpret the causes and consequences of strengthening or weakening public trust in representative bodies at local and central level in the Czech Republic. The author seeks to answer the questions why in the Czech Republic the public trust in municipal councils is significantly and consistently higher than trust in Parliament, and what implications from such a situation may arise for the efficiency and legitimacy of these institutions. Further the paper discusses issues of interconnectedness between institutional and interpersonal trust, and what tools or measures could be employed in order to protect and strengthen institutional efficiency and democratic legitimacy.

15

Democracy and Extreme Confidence in Government: an Analysis of the Relation between the Quality of Democracy and the Confidence in Governments in 54 States

88%

Kuź M.

Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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issue 28

134-148

EN

This study examines the correlation between democracy and extreme confidence in governments in 54 states. The aim of the study is to test the hypothesis that the greater the number of citizens who display extreme confidence in government, the worse the quality of democracy. This finding argues against some of the propositions of Robert Putnam. The OLS regression analysis confirms the negative correlation between the variables, which indicates that the extreme levels of support for government do not correlate with the development of democracy.

16

Halfway or no way?

88%

Bretter Z.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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issue 2(28)

5-30

EN

I am going to sketch a general picture of Hungary today. This will require to present in some detail the road on which we have arrived here: the peculiarities of the Kádár‑regime, i.e. the “goulash‑communism” and of the Hungarian “refolution” (self‑contradictory mixture of revolution and reform) i.e. the constitutional revolution of 1989; the features and failure of the liberal enterprise that to a large extent characterized the first 10‑20 years of the newly established democracy. I will describe the present situation in Hungary as a halfway in the learning process of a democratic political culture that already owes a lot to its established traditions: the state‑centrism, paternalistic leadership, occasional outbursts of nationalism. The genre of this paper is properly called essay in its meaning of “attempt” at defining a concept of Hungarian political culture: “kádárism”.

17

Internauci o polityce europejskiej. Analiza porównawcza dyskusji na forum Debate Europe

88%

Winiarska-Brodowska M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 3(25)

465-479

EN

European citizenship has introduced a new quality into political communication in the European Union. EU citizens exercise rights such as freedom of expression and participation in the democratic life of the Union. The Debate Europe forum is an example of European platform of exchange of ideas. Content analysis of posts in Polish and English enabled to give an answer to questions about the level of engagement of actors of the communication process, dialog, rationality of debate and the influence of political culture on discussions.

18

Dynamika kultury politycznej i partycypacji politycznej internautów w Polsce

88%

Garlicki J.

Studia Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 26

15-40

EN

The article addresses the issue of the dynamics of the political culture among Internet users in Poland. Selected aspects of political culture revealed during the elections campaign are compared to the observations made during the 2010 presidential election in Poland. The aim was to determine the similarities and differences in opinions, assessments and behaviours of Polish Internet users. The research results allow to conclude that Polish Internet users are more active not only in the various areas of everyday life, but also are more interested in politics than average of all citizens.

19

Wspólnotowe kultury polityczne Rosji i Chin. Podobieństwa i różnice

88%

Lubina M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 3(25)

659-672

EN

Russian‑Sino relationships are constantly improving which lead a significant amount of scholars to focus on their cultural similarities. This is true particularly to Russian academicians who try to point out civilizational and cultural closeness between Russia and China as a counterweight to the Western model. Indeed, there are some similarities, like predominance of collectivism over individualism and the need for a strong leadership. Nevertheless, if we take the risk of venturing into deeper space of cultural background and take into account not only political issues but also Russia’s and China’s identity and consciousness, then striking differences appear. On this level we can clearly see that similarities between Russia and China are superficial and they exist only on the surface. On the deeper, cultural level, however, those two “civilizations that became countries” have very little in common. They are – as we said – different civilizations incomparable to each other due to several historical, cultural and social reasons. This thesis leads to a conclusion that a successful cooperation and interaction between Russia and China is possible only on political, tactical issues, but there could be no real “melting pot” between them. This does not mean they are bound to conflict, but it clearly shows the artificiality of their “everlasting friendship”. Political conjunctures are bound to change whereas civilizational factors lasts longer and this explains why Russia and China will never become as close as the try to show. For similarities between them are of tactical, political importance, whereas differences are of strategic, ontological nature.

20

Kultura polityczna szlachty województwa połockiego na przełomie XVI–XVII wieku w świetle instrukcji sejmikowych

88%

Bortnik I.

Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

|

2016

|

vol. 9

4-36

PL

The article is devoted to the analysis of the special character of the political culture in Polotsk Voivodship at the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century. The research of these phenomena is based on the instructions for local parliaments (sejmiks) as a source base and provides for a distinction between three aspects: the attitude of the gentry towards the existing political system and its institutions; social and political values and norms of the gentry; the gentry’s response to decisions made by political institutions as well as its requirements and wishes towards the political system. The author has come to the conclusion that the political culture of the Polotsk gentry at the turn of the 16th and 17th century is characterized by high level of political activity.

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